https://publications.hse.ru/mirror/pubs/share/folder/myodg9xfxt/direct/143360779.pdf

Global, regional, and national age-sex specific all-cause and cause-specific mortality for 240 causes of death, 1990-2013: A systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2013

https://www.who.int/immunization/diseases/tetanus/lancet-2012-global-child-mortality.pdf

Global, regional, and national causes of child mortality: An updated systematic analysis for 2010 with time trends since 2000

Importance The relationship between income and life expectancy is well established but remains poorly understood. Objectives To measure the level, time trend, and geographic variability in the association between income and life expectancy and to identify factors related to small area variation. Design and Setting Income data for the US population were obtained from 1.4 billion deidentified tax records between 1999 and 2014. Mortality data were obtained from Social Security Administration death records. These data were used to estimate race- and ethnicity-adjusted life expectancy at 40 years of age by household income percentile, sex, and geographic area, and to evaluate factors associated with differences in life expectancy. Exposure Pretax household earnings as a measure of income. Main Outcomes and Measures Relationship between income and life expectancy; trends in life expectancy by income group; geographic variation in life expectancy levels and trends by income group; and factors associated with differences in life expectancy across areas. Results The sample consisted of 1 408 287 218 person-year observations for individuals aged 40 to 76 years (mean age, 53.0 years; median household earnings among working individuals, $61 175 per year). There were 4 114 380 deaths among men (mortality rate, 596.3 per 100 000) and 2 694 808 deaths among women (mortality rate, 375.1 per 100 000). The analysis yielded 4 results. First, higher income was associated with greater longevity throughout the income distribution. The gap in life expectancy between the richest 1% and poorest 1% of individuals was 14.6 years (95% CI, 14.4 to 14.8 years) for men and 10.1 years (95% CI, 9.9 to 10.3 years) for women. Second, inequality in life expectancy increased over time. Between 2001 and 2014, life expectancy increased by 2.34 years for men and 2.91 years for women in the top 5% of the income distribution, but by only 0.32 years for men and 0.04 years for women in the bottom 5% ( P r  = −0.69, P r  = 0.72, P r  = 0.42, P r  = 0.57, P Conclusions and Relevance In the United States between 2001 and 2014, higher income was associated with greater longevity, and differences in life expectancy across income groups increased over time. However, the association between life expectancy and income varied substantially across areas; differences in longevity across income groups decreased in some areas and increased in others. The differences in life expectancy were correlated with health behaviors and local area characteristics.

/pdf/the-association-between-income-and-life-expectancy-in-the-171foi4jgg.pdf

The Association Between Income and Life Expectancy in the United States, 2001-2014

https://repository.udca.edu.co/bitstream/11158/3794/1/1-s2.0-S0140673620309776-main.pdf

Global age-sex-specific fertility, mortality, healthy life expectancy (HALE), and population estimates in 204 countries and territories, 1950–2019: a comprehensive demographic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2019

There is little consensus about the meaning of the terms "health disparities," "health inequalities," or "health equity." The definitions can have important practical consequences, determining the measurements that are monitored by governments and international agencies and the activities that will be supported by resources earmarked to address health disparities/inequalities or health equity. This paper aims to clarify the concepts of health disparities/inequalities (used interchangeably here) and health equity, focusing on the implications of different definitions for measurement and hence for accountability. Health disparities/inequalities do not refer to all differences in health. A health disparity/inequality is a particular type of difference in health (or in the most important influences on health that could potentially be shaped by policies); it is a difference in which disadvantaged social groups-such as the poor, racial/ethnic minorities, women, or other groups who have persistently experienced social disadvantage or discrimination-systematically experience worse health or greater health risks than more advantaged social groups. ("Social advantage" refers to one's relative position in a social hierarchy determined by wealth, power, and/or prestige.) Health disparities/inequalities include differences between the most advantaged group in a given category-e.g., the wealthiest, the most powerful racial/ethnic group-and all others, not only between the best- and worst-off groups. Pursuing health equity means pursuing the elimination of such health disparities/inequalities.

/pdf/health-disparities-and-health-equity-concepts-and-560ndv7ccv.pdf

Health disparities and health equity: concepts and measurement.

Demography: Measuring and Modeling Population Processes

The prevalence of nonmarital cohabitation is steadily increasing in the United States. In evaluating the contribution of this new living arrangement to family formation, analysts have relied primarily on comparisons between individuals who cohabit and those who do not. We complement this line of inquiry by comparing the United States and 16 industrialized nations. We first identify six conceptually distinct ideal types of cohabitation with respect to family formation. We then propose empirical indicators to distinguish between the different ideal types, and estimate the values of these indicators for each of the 17 nations. Our findings indicate that although a number of countries fit an empirical pattern corresponding to one ideal type, cohabitation in the United States is more difficult to characterize.

/pdf/the-role-of-cohabitation-in-family-formation-the-united-4j5ycxcbg6.pdf

The Role of Cohabitation in Family Formation: The United States in Comparative Perspective

THE FINAL THIRD of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable changes in patterns of family formation within most Western countries. During the two decades that followed World War II, marriage and childbearing occurred early in adulthood and were tightly linked. Then, beginning in the late 1960s in some countries and spreading to many others over the next few decades, the average age at first marriage increased as growing proportions of couples cohabited either as a prelude or an alternative to marriage (Bumpass and Sweet 1989b; Cherlin 1992; Casper and Cohen 2000; Kiernan 2000; Prinz 1995; Raley 2000; Smock 2000). Accompanying these changes in marriage practices were large increases in the prevalence of nonmarital childbearing (Sardon 2000; Ventura and Bachrach 2000), especially conspicuous in the face of rapid declines in marital fertility (Smith, Morgan, and KoropeckyjCox 1996). Labeled by van de Kaa (1987) as the “second demographic transition,” this multifaceted departure from the ordered sequence of marriage and childbearing has created challenges for researchers attempting to describe contemporary patterns of family formation with precision. The nonmarital fertility ratio (NMFR), perhaps the most closely watched indicator of changes in family structure, has become an increasingly blunt instrument in light of the share of nonmarital fertility accounted for by parental cohabitation. Moreover, most fertility studies cannot easily determine the number of children women have had by different partners (much less the number of childbearing partners that men have had). Different family forms are often confused in public rhetoric and sometimes even by those researchers who use marriage as a proxy for a nuclear household or nonmarriage as a proxy for single parenthood.

/pdf/shifting-childrearing-to-single-mothers-results-from-17-3ybctgoalm.pdf

Shifting Childrearing to Single Mothers: Results from 17 Western Countries

Against a backdrop of two new developments in the fertility behavior of the Mexican- Origin population in the U.S. the present discussion will update contemporary Mexican-Origin fertility patterns and address several theoretical weaknesses in the current approach to immigrant group fertility. Data come from six national surveys (three from Mexico and three from the U.S.) that cover a twenty-five year period (1975-2000). The findings demonstrate dramatic decreases in the fertility rates in Mexico at the same time that continuous increases have been documented in the fertility rates of native-born Mexican-Americans in the U.S. at younger ages. These changes necessitate a reexamination of the idea that Mexican pronatalist values are responsible for the high fertility rates found within the Mexican-Origin population in the U.S. Instead they point to the increasing relevance of framing the fertility behavior of the Mexican-Origin population within a racial stratification perspective that stresses the influence of U.S. social context on fertility behavior. As a step in this direction the analysis examines fertility patterns within the Mexican-Origin population in the U.S. giving special attention to the role of nativity/generational status in contributing to within group differences. (authors)

/pdf/a-crossover-in-mexican-and-mexican-american-fertility-rates-27uza93gj7.pdf

A crossover in Mexican and Mexican-American fertility rates: Evidence and explanations for an emerging paradox.

Relying on data from the 1995 Guatemalan Survey of Family Health (EGSF), we analyse the relationship between child illness and health-seeking behaviour. Information on illness was collected for 3193 children. This analysis is based on 870 of these who became ill with diarrhoeal or respiratory disease during a 13-day period prior to interview. Estimates are derived from logistic models of the probability of seeing any or a specific type of health care provider as a function of characteristics of the illness on a given day and the child. The results indicate that modern medical care plays a major role in the treatment of infectious illness among children in rural Guatemala, with visits to pharmacists, doctors and the staff at government health facilities occurring much more frequently than visits to curers and other traditional practitioners. In general, families are much more likely to seek out a health care provider when a child experiences fever and gastrointestinal symptoms than when suffering from respiratory and other symptoms, and when a mother perceives the illness to be serious. The results also indicate that infants, low parity children, and children assessed as having generally been in good health are more likely to visit health care providers than other children. However, the particular associations often vary by type of health care provider.

Health-seeking behaviour for child illness in Guatemala.

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