Abstract: Although the rational choice approach toward political behavior has been severely criticized, its adherents claim that competing models have failed to offer a more scientific model of political decisionmaking. This measured but provocative book offers precisely that: an alternative way of understanding political behavior based on cognitive research. The authors draw on research in neuroscience, physiology, and experimental psychology to conceptualize habit and reason as two mental states that interact in a delicate, highly functional balance controlled by emotion. Applying this approach to more than fifteen years of election results, they shed light on a wide range of political behavior, including party identification, symbolic politics, and negative campaigning. Remarkably accessible, "Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment" urges social scientists to move beyond the idealistic notion of the purely rational citizen to form a more complete, realistic model that includes the emotional side of human judgment.

Abstract: I assess the extent of "partisan voting" in American national elections since 1952 using a series of simple probit analyses. My measure of partisan voting is sensitive both to changes in the distribution of partisanship and to changes in the electoral relevance of partisanship. I find that the impact of partisan loyalties on voting behavior has increased in each of the last six presidential elections, reaching a level in 1996 almost 80 percent higher than in 1972-and significantly higher than in any presidential election in at least 50 years. The impact of partisanship on voting behavior in congressional elections has also increased markedly, albeit more recently and to a level still well below that of the 1950s. I conclude that the conventional wisdom among scholars and commentators regarding the "decline of parties" in American politics is badly outdated. he "decline of parties" is one of the most familiar themes in popular and scholarly discourse about contemporary American politics. One influential journalist has asserted that "The most important phenomenon of American politics in the past quarter century has been the rise of independent voters" (Smith 1988, 671). Textbook writers tell their students that "Voters no longer strongly identify with one of the major parties as they once did" (Wilson and Dilulio 1995, 180) and that "the two major parties are no longer as central as they once were in tying people's everyday concerns to their choices in the political system" (Greenberg and Page 1997, 269). The most persistent academic analyst of partisan decline has argued that "For over four decades the American public has been drifting away from the two major political parties" (Wattenberg 1996, ix), while another prominent scholar has referred to a "massive decay of partisan electoral linkages" and to "the ruins of the traditional partisan regime" (Burnham 1989, 24). I shall argue here that this conventional wisdom regarding the "decline of parties" is both exaggerated and outdated. Partisan loyalties in the American public have rebounded significantly since the mid-1970s, especially among those who actually turn out to vote. Meanwhile, the impact of partisanship on voting behavior has increased markedly in recent years, both at the presidential level (where the overall impact of partisanship in 1996 was almost 80 percent greater than in 1972) and at the congressional level (where the overall impact of partisanship in 1996 was almost 60 percent greater than in 1978). Far from "partisans using their identifications less and less as a cue in voting behavior" (Wattenberg 1996, 27), my analysis suggests that "partisan loyalties had at least as much impact on voting behavior at the presidential level in the 1980s as in the 1950s" (Bartels 1992, 249)-and even more in the 1990s than in the 1980s.

Abstract: Studies carried out in many countries in previous decades found that women were more conservative than men and less likely to participate in politics. Here, it is examined whether this traditional gender gap persists today, or whether gender cleavages in the electorate have converged, and whether the phenomenon of the modern gender gap, with women more left wing, has become evident elsewhere. The article draws on evidence from the World Values Surveys in the early 1980s, and the early and mid-1990s carried out in over sixty countries around the world. This study establishes that gender differences in electoral behavior have been realigning, with women moving toward the left of men throughout advanced industrial societies (though not in postcommunist societies or developing countries) and explores the reasons for this development, including the role of structural and cultural factors. The conclusion considers the political implications of the findings.

Abstract: Class voting is supposedly in severe decline in advanced industrial democracies. However, this conventional wisdom derives from research using problematic methods and measures and an overly simple model of political change. This chapter overviews past and current comparative research into changes in and explanations of class-based political behavior and argues for the continued significance of class voting and, by extension, class politics in contemporary democracies. I particularly emphasize the importance of using more appropriate methods and the application and testing of theories that integrate developments in this area with those in studies of voting behavior more generally. This translates into a need for the systematic testing of bottom-up/top-down interactions in the relations between social structure and political preferences and the precise specification and measurement of explanatory mechanisms that can account for the association between class position and voting.

Abstract: This paper examines voting by U.S. Representatives onthe North American Free Trade Agreement, the UruguayRound Agreement, and most-favored nation status forChina. Using recent political economy models of tradepolicy to formulate an empirical specification ofcongressional voting behavior, we find evidence thatcampaign contributions influenced legislators' voteson the NAFTA and Uruguay Round bills. Labor groupcontributions were associated with votes against freertrade while business contributions were associatedwith votes in favor of freer trade. Economicconditions in each member's district as well as thebroad policy views of the legislators also affectedrepresentatives' voting decisions.

Abstract: This exciting volume marks the birth of a new field, one which attempts to study law with reference to an accurate understanding of human behavior. It reports new findings in cognitive psychology which show that people are frequently both unselfish and over-optimistic; that people have limited willpower and limited self-control; and that people are 'boundedly' rational, in the sense that they have limited information-processing powers, and frequently rely on mental short-cuts and rules of thumb. Understanding this behavior has large-scale implications for the analysis of law, in areas including environmental protection, taxation, constitutional law, voting behavior, punitive damages for civil rights violations, labor negotiations, and corporate finance. With a better knowledge of human behavior, it is possible to predict the actual effects of law, to see how law can promote society's goals, and to reassess the questions of what law should be doing.

Abstract: One manner in which Presidents attempt to have an enduring policy influence is through the appointment of like-minded justices to the Supreme Court. This article empirically examines Dahl's (1957) hypothesis that justices actually support the policy preferences of the Presidents who appoint them. We study concordance with new data for measuring presidential preferences in the domains of social and economic policy and by incorporating the notion of judicial change over time. We measure presidential preferences for the modern Presidents, Franklin Roosevelt through Bill Clinton, with a survey taken from a random sample of political science scholars who study the Presidency We measure the voting behavior of the President's Supreme Court appointees through their votes in civil liberties and economics cases from 1937 to 1994. Presidents appear to be reasonably successful in their appointments in the short run, but justices on average appear to deviate over time away from the Presidents who appointed them.

Abstract: The social cognition tradition has had a strong impact on political psychology scholarship in the last part of the 20th century. The purpose of this essay is to review the contributions of the cognitive approach in helping political psychologists to better understand how citizens think about the world of politics. I consider research concerned with both the mental structure or representation of information about the political world and research concerned with specifying the cognitive processes that produce political judgments and opinion, and conclude that political cognition scholarship has begun to live up to its promise. In the second part of the essay, I suggest a research agenda for the future, pointing to ten directions for extending the political cognition paradigm.

Abstract: "Campaign Dynamics: The Race for Governor" explores the dynamic interaction between candidates and voters that takes place during campaigns It finds that voters respond in a meaningful way to what candidates say and do during their campaignsCandidates for state-wide and national offices spend millions of dollars and thousands of hours trying to convey their messages to voters Do voters hear them and respond? More specifically, do the issues candidates stress on the campaign trail influence the choices voters make when casting their ballots? The evidence presented in this book suggests that the answer is a resounding yes"Campaign Dynamics" examines more than one hundred gubernatorial elections from 1982 through 1994, beginning with case studies of the gubernatorial races in Virginia and New Jersey in 1993 Combining interviews and observations with empirical analysis of public opinion polls, the case studies develop the basic understanding of how campaigns define the set of important issues in an election Then the analysis is expanded to consider the abortion issue in thirty-four gubernatorial elections in 1990 Later chapters test these ideas in over one hundred gubernatorial elections, combining exit poll data on upwards of 100,000 voters from dozens of races with measures of campaign themes developed out of a content analysis of newspaper coverageThis book employs multiple methods and sources of data and represents one of the most comprehensive theoretical and empirical efforts to understand the role of campaigns in voting behavior ever undertaken"Campaign Dynamics" will be of interest to those who study state politics, voting behavior and campaigns, and democratic theory It should also guide students and scholars interested in performing empirical tests of formal models and those wishing to combine multiple methods in their researchThomas M Carsey is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago

Abstract: The relationship between voter participation and party fortunes has received much attention in the voting behavior literature. Specifically, a number of studies on the advanced industrial democracies postulate that left-of-center parties benefit from higher turnout. This article extends that argument to a quite different context: the economically and politically volatile post-communist world. Using aggregate data from 15 post-communist countries between 1990 and 1999, we test the turnout-party vote linkage. We find that, indeed, increased turnout benefits left parties, particularly the successor communist parties, while adversely affecting conservative and nationalist parties.

Abstract: For decades political scientists studying the Court have adopted behavioral approaches and focused on the relatively narrow question of how the justices' policy preferences influence their voting behavior. This emphasis has illuminated important aspects of Supreme Court politics, but it has also left unaddressed many other important questions about this unique and fascinating institution. Drawing on "the new institutionalism" in the social sciences, the distinguished contributors to this volume attempt to fill this gap by exploring a variety of topics, including the Court's institutional development and its relationship to broader political contexts such as party regimes, electoral systems, social movements, social change, legal precedents, political identities, and historically evolving economic structures. The book's initial chapters examine the nature of the Court's distinctive norms as well as the development of its institutional powers and practice. A second section relates the development of Supreme Court politics to the historical development of other political institutions and social movements. Concluding chapters explore how its decision making in particular areas of law or periods of time is influenced by and influences its socio-political milieu. These contributions offer provocative insights regarding the Court's role in maintaining or disrupting political and economic structures, as well as social structures and identities tied to ideology, class, race, gender, and sexual orientation. "The Supreme Court in American Politics" shows how we can develop an enriched understanding of this institution, and open up exciting new areas of research by placing it in the broader context of politics in the United States."

Abstract: Since 1989 the political systems in Eastern European societies have changed radically, from totalitarian regimes towards democratic regimes with free general elections and multi-party systems similar to early democracies. This paper examines whether in these new democracies the same class cleavages have become important as in longstanding Western democracies. The relation between social class, attitudes towards economic justice and voting behavior is investigated in five new democracies and compared with those in nine longstanding democracies. The data used are from various cross-nationally comparable and nationally representative surveys held in the 1990s (total N = 20,270). Results show that social class has clear effects on economic justice attitudes and voting behavior in Western democracies. In the post-communist societies, members of different social classes consistently differ in their attitudes towards income inequality and social security, but hardly differ in their voting behavior. Owing to the ...

Abstract: A majority of work on Congressional voting behavior finds that members of Congress establish ideological positions and maintain them throughout the entirety of their careers, regardless of how their career aspirations, political positions, or underlying constituencies change. Based on this evidence, Poole (1998) concludes that members of Congress "die in their ideological boots." I examine the robustness of the "ideological-boots thesis" more closely, using vote-scaling techniques and roll-call voting data from a different American legislative system: the Congress of the Confederate States of America. Initial results run contrary to the ideological-boots thesis, as I uncover low levels of cross-system stability among members who moved from the U.S. House to the Confederate House. Examining further, I argue that high levels of ideological stability follow from a strong party system being in place to structure voting, which has traditionally been the case in the two-party U.S. House but was not the case in the partyless Confederate House. This result aside, I do find a moderate but increasing level of ideological stability among members of the Confederate House in a session-by-session analysis, which is robust to a serious "shock" (Federal invasion) to the constituency-representative linkage underlying the electoral connection. This latter finding suggests that as long as there are electoral incentives associated with ideological labels, then ideologies will develop regardless of party structure. ecent work in the field of Congressional voting behavior suggests that members of Congress (MCs) "die in their ideological boots." That is, according to Poole (1998, 3), "based upon the roll-call voting record, once elected to Congress, members adopt an ideological position and maintain that position throughout their careers-once a liberal or a conservative or a moderate, always a liberal or a conservative or a moderate." This finding applies not only to members of the contemporary Congress, but MCs from bygone eras as well, as Poole and Rosenthal (1997) find high levels of individual-level ideological stability across nearly all of United States Congressional history. Moreover, additional evidence suggests that members of Congress remain ideologically consistent even in the face of changing personal or electoral conditions: members' voting records remain essentially the same, regardless of whether they plan to retire (Lott 1987; Van Beek 1991; Lott and Bronars 1993; Poole and Rosenthal 1997), plan to run for a higher office (Hibbing 1986; Poole and Romer 1993), serve in a higher office (Grofman, Griffin, and Berry 1995; Poole and Rosenthal 1997), or have their districts redrawn (Poole and Romer 1993; Poole 1998). This article examines the "ideological-boots thesis" further to assess whether it is truly a general finding. Rather than examine voting behavior in the U.S. Congress, however, I focus on voting behavior in a heretofore forgotten institution in American history: the Congress of the Confederate States of America. I contend that the Confederate Congress is a suitable forum to explore the robustness of the ideological-boots thesis, because it provides two unique extensions to the study of individual-level ideological stability that cannot be pursued in a study of the U.S. Congress. First, a significant number of individuals who served in the Confederate House had

Abstract: This article presents an analysis of the influence of political advertisements on forming the image of politicians and the voting behavior of citizens. The very important issues are attitude to the candidates and estimation of their personal qualities. After a critical analysis of current models of the influence of political advertisements on the voters, the authors derived the sequential model of the influence of political advertisement on voting behavior. Experiments in three countries were conducted in order to verify this model: Poland (1995 presidential election), France (presidential elections in 1995), and Germany (general election in 1994). The results confirm the dependencies described in the model. The results also allow for distinguishing three types of impact that political advertisements may have on voting decisions: (1) strengthening former voting preferences; (2) weakening the former preferences and their change or reverse in an extreme case; and (3) lack of impact or small fluctuations in ...

Abstract: Local context is widely believed to influence voting behavior with, for example, the voters' evaluation of the state of their local economy affecting whether they choose to reward or punish the incumbent government. Such reward-punish models apply in the United Kingdom at the national scale: those who believe that the government has delivered prosperity vote for its return, whereas those who believe that its policies have produced a worsening economic situation vote against it. This article shows that the operation of this calculus varies spatially, according to the level of unemployment in the voter's home area: the higher the local level of unemployment the lower the probability of someone who thought that government polices had delivered national prosperity voting for the incumbent government. It also shows that this is a consequence of cross-pressured situations. Those who thought that the government's policies had delivered both national and local prosperity were very likely to vote for it; those who thought that the policies had delivered national but not local prosperity were less likely to vote for it—especially in areas of high unemployment.

Abstract: To explore feelings of political efficacy among Chicago Latinos, making intraethnic comparisons within the Chicago Latino community as well as comparisons to blacks and Anglos using NES data. Analysis of my spring 1997 telephone survey of Chicago Latinos about their feelings of political efficacy and their voting behavior in the 1996 general elections. Chicago Latinos report lower feelings of political efficacy on an internal efficacy item and on one of two external efficacy items than do most national groups, but much higher levels of external efficacy on the remaining item. There are also interesting differences in responses among groups within the Chicago Latino community. Also, Chicago Latinos do not exhibit the same link between external efficacy and voting as has been found for Anglos. Chicago Latinos feel that their political reality is one of relatively high empowerment, and they tend to view voting as more of a symbolic act than as an instrumental one

Abstract: This study explores sources of variation in the efficacy of constituency building as corporate political strategy. The theoretical focus is on the persistent agency problems inherent in the principal-agent relationship between constituents and legislators. Analysis of data from key congressional respondents indicates that the nature of these agency problems significantly determines the relative effectiveness of corporate constituency building as a means to influence legislative decisionmaking. Corporate constituency building appears to be more effective for influencing legislators' voting behavior than for influencing the specific content of legislation; more effective in the House than the Senate; contingent on party affiliation; contingent on the types of feedback corporate stakeholders use to communicate with legislative offices; contingent on the types of corporate stakeholders involved. This paper discusses these findings in the context of the existing literature and makes suggestions for further inq...

Abstract: Firms in the United States have many political advantages when compared to other groups in society. They are the best-represented group in our nation's capital; they operate more Political Action Committees; and their lobbyists are among the most experienced political operatives. Yet firms are uncertain about their political power and hence about the effectiveness of their political strategies. This book deals with how firms decide which strategy to pursue among the existing alternatives when it comes to defending policies that play to their interests.Sandra Suarez looks at the efforts of business to influence government policy in a detailed study of the efforts of major American corporations to protect the tax credit applicable to profits from investments in Puerto Rico. This rare longitudinal case-study explores the abilities of U.S. pharmaceutical and electronics companies to adapt their political strategies to a fluid and uncertain political environment. Drawing on interviews with tax lawyers, corporate lobbyists and government officials, the author follows the behavior of the same group of companies over the past twenty years.This book advances a learning-based explanation of business political behavior, which argues that past political experience accounts for patterns of political behavior that government structures and salient issues alone cannot explain. Centered on attempts to protect an important tax break for business, the possessions tax battles provide an appropriate case for examining the value of the business learning approach.Although written with a political science audience in mind, this book addresses issues that will resonate widely with sociologists, management researchers and students alike.Sandra L. Suarez is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science, Temple University."

Abstract: How do parties, groups and movements construct shared frameworks of understanding? Answering this question must involve some analysis of the role played by political ideas They are an inescapable fact of political life Yet, as with most inescapable facts, controversy has raged over how they should be studied 1 This article presents a framework for the empirical analysis of ideas It aims to strike a balance between the presentation of a set of general assumptions, and a recognition that any framework must engage with particular evidence from the historical context under investigation, especially the processes through which ideational communication occurs Elements from a variety of perspectives are combined to provide a ‘public political discourse’ approach, which: appreciates the importance of communication through the media; provides justifications for specific sources of evidence to be used; and places ideas in context My main concern throughout is in developing a useful framework of explicit assumptions about how to study political ideas It is not my intention to delve deeply into the philosophical roots of its elements, nor do I seek to provide a blueprint that is bought wholesale or not at all It represents only one approach among countless possible others Rather, my aim is to raise awareness of the fact that the assumptions which are brought to the study of political ideas are important determinants of the kinds of analyses we see produced These assumptions need to be stated and defended, with a recognition that they obscure as many possibilities as they reveal This essay emerges from a partial sense of dissatisfaction with recent methodological debates in history, a field which has, since the 1980s, experienced a wave of revisionism The shift has involved a widespread reappraisal of earlier class-based interpretations of politics and a reassertion of the importance of ideas, usually defined as ‘discourses’ The examination of these, and the organizational structures of parties, movements, and the state, has gone hand in hand with a new sensitivity to the means through which historical evidence is mediated, along with the emergence of postmodernist approaches to political identities Written from the perspective of one who enjoys having a foot in both disciplines ‐ history and political science ‐ this essay is intended to suggest to the political science community the ways in which some of the interesting developments in historiography over the past 15 years, if developed in the directions outlined here, might contribute to an understanding of the relationship between political ideas and political action Although analysis of how ideas, parties and movements interrelate has always been a core concern of political scientists, it is interesting to note how few of the controversies that have raged in history have flowed into political science’s mainstream Yet

Abstract: It is now part of received wisdom that humanitarian assistance in conflict and post-conflict situations may be ineffective or even counterproductive in the absence of an informed understanding of the broader political context in which so-called 'complex political emergencies' (CPEs) occur. Though recognising that specific cases have to be understood in their own terms, this article offers a framework for incorporating political analysis in policy design. It is based on a programme of research on a number of countries in Africa and Asia over the last four years. It argues that the starting-point should be an analysis of crises of authority within contemporary nation-states which convert conflict (a feature of all political systems) into violent conflict; of how such conflict may in turn generate more problems for, or even destroy, the state; of the deep-rooted political, institutional and developmental legacies of political violence; and of the difficulties that complicate the restoration of legitimate and effective systems of governance after the 'termination' of conflict. It then lists a series of questions which such an analysis would need to ask--less in order to provide a comprehensive check-list than to uncover underlying political processes and links. It is hoped these may be used not only to understand the political dynamics of emergencies, but also to identify what kinds of policy action should and should not be given priority by practitioners.

Abstract: Studies have found that ethnicity influences voting behavior, but precisely how it does so remains unclear. This article adds to the voting behavior literature by specifying the pathways by which ethnicity influences prospective vote choice. Data are taken from a preelection telephone survey of Latinos and Anglos in Texas. The survey focused on the 1996 U.S. Senate race, in which a Mexican American Democrat challenged an Anglo incumbent. We test hypotheses regarding the relationship between ethnicity and vote preference. Ethnicity has a direct effect on partisan identification and issue positions. It also has an indirect effect on candidate evaluation and voting preference. Ethnicity directly and indirectly shapes important voting considerations and hence plays a major role in shaping voting preference

Abstract: Proposition 209 was the affirmative-action initiative placed on the 1996 general election ballot that asked California voters to determine the future of ethnically targeted state programs. Simultaneous logistic regression was used to examine the extent to which symbolic, traditional, and other racial attitudes, such as the belief that things were better when Blacks and Mexican Americans were segregated from Whites, the belief that minority groups were getting more than their share of resources, and the belief that minority groups were no longer discriminated against were related to support for Proposition 209. The results indicate that symbolic racism and the belief that minorities were accessing more than their share of resources provided stronger explanations for support of the initiative than did other sentiments.

Abstract: This paper attempts to go beyond the usual liberal/democratic debates about the justifiability of compulsion or arguments about partisan benefit, towards a discussion of the social and economic functions of compulsory voting. The main theme is that given a number of trends both here and in comparable contexts, it would not be a good idea for Australians to consider abandoning the present system. These trends include: policy driven socio-economic insecurity; greater time pressures upon those in work; increasing alienation and apathy among the young and a global trend towards political demobilisation. Abstention is understood as both a political and emotional response to economic marginalisation and social isolation. Subjective feelings of alienation, neglect, cynicism and low political efficacy are treated as socio-psychic norms which govern the behaviour of non-voters, culminating in what is termed here 'political shyness'. The politically shy are shown to be among the most vulnerable members of our commu...

Abstract: Former political prisoners in both Taiwan and South Africa were and are key supporters and leaders of democratic movements. This comparative study points to the connections among prisoner resistance, politics in prisons, and post-imprisonment patterns of democratic leadership and elite formation, topics largely neglected in social science literature. By examining the political development in the past in both Taiwan and South Africa and prison conditions in each country, this paper argues that political imprisonment provides a critical legitimating credential for future democratic political leaders. Moreover, incarceration is employed by political prisoners to gain and develop substantive tools to facilitate their post-release political activity and democratic engagement. Finally, political incarceration becomes an important arena to assess the regime's reformist political intent and claims.

Abstract: Our goal is to extend the research on the political importance of social networks by investigating the role of networks in shaping citizen responses to changes in the law. We emphasize the development of special-purpose social networks to cope with changing legal requirements and analyze these networks from a problem-solving perspective. The empirical focus of the work is taxpayers' adaptation to the 1986 Tax Reform Act. The results from a panel survey of 475 taxpayers demonstrate that specialized, weak-tie networks play a critical role in shaping responses to legal change. More important problems (i.e., tax increases) stimulate search among broader networks. Broader networks, in turn, lead to greater knowledge about the 1986 Tax Reform Act. Network search is biased by both taxpayer attitudes and motivation: taxpayers seek likeminded discussants, and bigger tax increases lead to more noncompliant weak-tie discussants. Finally, the attitudes of weak-tie discussants produce changes in taxpayers' attitudes about compliance, confirming the important role of networks in shaping compliance behavior. he social context has been viewed as a critical constraint on the information-gathering opportunities of the citizen at least since the Columbia voting studies by Lazarsfeld and his colleagues (1948). Information about the political system is filtered through existing social networks, with political attitudes and knowledge strongly influenced by discussions with friends, neighbors, relatives, and government officials to whom the citizen is "networked" in a variety of settings (Huckfeldt and Sprague 1987, 1991, 1995). Our goal is to extend the research on social networks in two directions. First, we investigate the role of networks in shaping citizen responses to changes in the law. Few citizens actually read new statutes, but rely instead on information, interpretations, and evaluations of the law available from various intermediate sources. Although recent research has explored the role of social networks in voting behavior (Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995), we know less about the role of networks in shaping knowledge of and willingness to obey new laws. Yet such knowledge is a precondition for compliance with citizenship obligations (Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996). Second, we emphasize the problem-solving aspects of network analysis, an approach to citizen behavior that provides a fruitful middle ground between the extremes of individual rationality and social determinism. While research in sociology has examined the role of networks in solving problems (Warren 1981; Stoller and Pugliesi 1991), most of these studies focus on the role of a single personal network. We assume instead that boundedly rational citizens are capable of developing multiple, specialpurpose discussion networks to deal with specialized problems. Although the single, multi-purpose network considered in most network analyses is primarily determined by social structure, specialized networks are also