Abstract: Scholars have long argued that political participation tends to increase with economic and social modernization. In this study of Turkey, however, the author shows that rapid socio-economic growth has coincided with a substantial decline in turnout at the polls. His ecological analysis of subnational aggregate voting data for the sixties and the explanation of his startling findings form the core of this up-to-date and comprehensive survey of Turkey's political development.Turkey is one of very few countries to combine rapid socio-economic change with a democratic system. The author demonstrates that in this context modernization tends to increase autonomous, instrumental, and class-based political participation, and to decrease mobilized, deferential, and communal-based political participation. The topics he examines include: social cleavages and the party system; distribution of land and income; geographical and social mobility; access to education; regional variations in voting turnout; urban-rural differences in voting behavior; socio-economic correlates of voting activity and party votes; and patterns of participation among peasants and the urban poor.Originally published in 1977.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Abstract: Workers' incentives to seek employment and remain employed are affected by a number of government policies. The policies themselves are in turn influenced by the political beliefs of the electorate about what working conditions and incomes should be. Using a simultaneous equations model of political climate and labor market conditions, this study shows that political liberalism may lead to decreased labor force participation and higher unemployment, particularly for women.

Abstract: This study examines influence relations between the United States and countries that are dependent upon their foreign trade with it. The hypotheses are concerned with political compliance expected of these dependencies as a consequence of their economic vulnerabilities to pressure from the U.S. Informed by trade-related variables and U.N. General Assembly voting behavior of the mid-1960s, the hypotheses find some support. The evidence shows that its dependencies, especially those in the western hemisphere, agree with the U.S. in General Assembly roll calls to a greater degree than do other countries. This compliant behavior, however, is confined to votes that pit the United States against the Soviet Union; when the superpowers are in partial or complete agreement, U.S. dependencies are no more in accord with the U.S. than are other countries. Throughout the study, dependencies are proposed to be vulnerable along four dimensions of their economic circumstances. Interestingly, the respective effects of these four factors are not as hypothesized. Their relative weights in contributing to compliance are largely as expected, but the nature of their partial associations is not. Finally, it happens that most of the dependencies turn out to be Latin American and Caribbean countries, a fact that complicates the interpretation of the statistical results.

Abstract: This article examines the voting behavior of the exceptionally small states (population less than one million) in the UN General Assembly. It uses modified Rice-Beyle techniques (Index of Cohesion and Index of Agreement) to measure the cohesiveness of 23 ministates in four issue-areas: political, colonial, economic, and social, humanitarian and cultural. Ministate voting patterns are compared with those of the US, the USSR, the former colonial powers, and the African-Asian caucusing group. The study's major findings are that: 1) there is greatest ministate cohesion on colonial and economic issues and less cohesion on social, humanitarian, and cultural questions. Political issues divide the ministates; 2) the ministates and the USSR vote similarly on colonial and economic questions, whereas the ministates' voting is more similar to that of the US and the colonial powers on social, humanitarian, and cultural issues. On political issues the ministates are neither a bloc nor the subservient clients of the superpowers; 3) with few exceptions ministate voting patterns are similar to those of the African-Asian group in the UN. These findings extend the generalizations of Kay, et al., with reference to the concerns of the newer nations. In addition, the findings indicate that size alone does not appear to be a significant differentiating variable. The existence of shifting alignments and majorities in different issue-areas underscores the political sophistication and relative independence from large power pressure of ministate voting in the UN.

Abstract: When we consider the notions of socialization and change, we generally think of them as antinomies. “Socialization” suggests an image of continuity in the patterns of a society, a continuous reproduction over time of the same set of beliefs and institutions: one generation of people will tend to look pretty much like the previous one and, in turn, future generations will tend to look like those of the present. “Change” implies an image of discontinuity in the patterns of a society, a transformation in the beliefs of people and even in the institutions of society as well, a difference between the shape and form of a society and its inhabitants at different points in time. In view of this fundamental opposition between the two concepts, any effort that undertakes to explain how they are related confronts an intellectual task that is close to, if not entirely, impossible. Yet for those of us concerned with understanding and explaining the process of political socialization, the effort to understand change must remain on our intellectual agenda. Modern societies, we often are told, are undergoing constant and rapid change; and if in the selection of the process of political socialization as a problem we have precluded the possibility of grasping change, then clearly our effort must remain a narrow one at best, an irrelevant one at worst.

Abstract: pose a case in point of the salience of the subjective dimension mediating between objective conditions and political behavior. Blacks and Mexican Americans, to a considerable degree, exist in a similar, objectively depressed situation when contrasted with the Anglo majority.2 Further, both groups have a number of active organizations and self-designated leaders that labor to improve the condition of their people;3 both groups have similarly enjoyed the benefit of geographical concentration of population which creates the potential for electoral power in the American political system;4 and both groups have suffered the pains of discrimination by the dominant Anglo majority.) In spite of this similarity of condition, however, blacks and Mexican Americans have reacted, through the 1960s and early 1970s in particular, very differently to their shared conditions. Levy and Kramer point out, for example, in their analysis of electoral power among American ethnic groups, that "electoral inroads are coming with great frequency and blacks, North and South, believe that black

Abstract: Measures of racial attitude, conceptual style, commitment to candidate and to the electoral process, social-political orientation, candidate evaluation, and voting intentions, were administered to white college students in 7 geographical areas shortly before the 1972 Presidential election. Persons intending to vote for Nixon showed significantly more negative racial attitudes, more concrete conceptual functioning, greater commitment to the electoral process, more conservative social-political orientations, and more positive evaluations of Nixon, than did McGovern voters. Subsequent regression and path analyses indicated that only racial attitude and candidate evaluation were strong, direct predictors of voting intentions; the effects of the remaining independent variables appeared to be indirect. These results suggest that the prediction of behavioral intentions becomes more powerful as the attitudinal measures are made more directly relevant to the behavioral act.

Abstract: Following the election of a faculty collective bargaining agent at the 14 Pennsylvania state colleges, the authors administered a survey questionnaire to a 50% sample of the bargaining unit. The objectives of the research were to identify relationships between faculty choice of a bargaining agent and several collective bargaining issues: attitudes about the contending associations, the extent to which internal versus external governance matters influenced voting behavior, attitudes about the scope of negotiations, attitudes about the defined bargaining unit, attitudes about faculty strikes, and demographic faculty characteristics. The authors provide primarily a narrative of the research findings and end with a succinct general summary of their findings. A brief discussion is also presented on the potential impact on elections of voters who fail to “vote their conscience.”

Abstract: for both capital and operational expenditures have frequently fallen on deaf ears. To compound the problem, these realities have surfaced concurrent with increasing educational system costs due to such factors as inflation, the special educational needs of handicapped and minority group youngsters, the rising cost of bond interest rates, and negotiated educator salary increases. For obtaining necessary levels of funding for the public schools, at least two significant methods emerge: (1) influence the legislature to increase school funding and (2) get the citizens of the district to vote for school financial referenda. Either of these methods, when operationalized, make school district leaders vividly aware of the political and economic issues associated with school funding, particularly the district referendum method. Because of the process of expressing individual preferences at the polls, either in support or nonsupport of the schools' financial proposals, the characteristics, attitudes, and behavior of voters in these referenda have become salient areas of interest which warrant

Abstract: LIITLE ROLL CALL RESEARCH on state party delegations in the U.S. House of, Representatives was undertaken in the decade following David B. Truman's1 and Duncan MacRae's2 pioneering demonstrations that many delegations constitute groups with substantial degrees of voting.homogeneity. In recent years, however, a number of multivariate roll call studies have suggested that delegation influences upon members' voting decisions are among the most.powerful in the House. One congressional scholar, in fact, has concluded from the results of his research that the state party variable should be henceforth included as a "standard predictor in the analysis of congressional voting behavior."3 Donald R. Matthews' and James A. tStimson's4 roll call simulation

Abstract: Social Science literature is replete with impressionistic studies of the effect of crowding on political behavior and comparisons of human behavior to animal responses. Professor Welch makes a distinct contribution in challenging conventional wisdom by testing empirically a number of hypotheses. The results of her study may well put in question what has customarily been accepted as self-evident truths. Susan Welch is associate professor of political science at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. She is currently doing research on the stability of political attitudes, political participation among women, and crowding and political activity.

Abstract: political parties than seems wise. Why, for example, should we encourage political parties to extend the influence of their members to the judicial branch of government? Will we not be better off in the long run to minimize partisan political influence in the initial selection and reelection of judges and instead select judges on the basis of their honesty, wisdom, and legal competence? And why should we encourage political parties' influence in local affairs? Currently, in most localities, town boards, county boards, school boards and city councils are elected on a nonpartisan basis. This enables candidates to focus on the local issues with which they will deal if elected and frees their campaigns from the distortion that would heavily influence the outcome of local elections were they conducted on a partisan basis.

Abstract: The concept of political justice is as important to understand as it is difficult to define. Clearly it involves the use of the legal process to affect the balance of political power in a society. Often, though not always, it involves the use of the courts and is equated with what are popularly denominated as "political trials." Although legally only individuals are charged with crimes, we may distinguish political justice from ordinary criminal justice by stressing its focus (direct or indirect) on a range of group or class (1)** interests other than the individual interests of the defendant. The traditional focus of political justice studies has been on criminal trials. It might be more comprehensive and more functional to define political justice as an alternative authority enforcement device, an auxiliary weapon to protect consensus, enhance authority and bolster minimum levels of regime support, where ordinary political and legal means are inadequate. Political justice, through legal process, seeks to impose sanctions, disadvantages and constraints on groups or individuals whose activities represent an actual or potential threat to public order and to the maintenance of the authority of the regime. Political justice is especially relevant to dynamic societies whose traditional bounds of social order are being questioned. It is a way of managing change before other, more permanent, arrangements can be made; a method of mediating conflict and reducing tensions as the balance of power between groups and interests shifts and the capacity of more formal institutions to fulfill this role according to previously agreed-upon rules lags behind. Not only is political justice an important means of both adjudicative and nonadjudicative conflict resolution, but in times of stress it may be used to mediate conflicts at a relatively low level of visibility, utilizing mostly short-term solutions, which are not too uncomfortably far from the political center (2). This approach to political justice is functional and nonideological. We are interested, as political analysts, in understanding and explaining the existence of a widespread phenomenon - why, when and how it occurs, and its impact. Most studies have treated political justice as a lamentable pathology or as a sign of

Abstract: Publisher Summary This chapter discusses a spatial analysis of the ethnic candidate. The impact of legislative and demographic changes on black political progress can best be appreciated through an examination of the growth in the numbers of black elected officeholders. Aggregate data alone does not provide any insight into the effects of political pluralism on the American political system. Unfortunately, much of the current research on ethnic politics ceases to go beyond simple vote counting or ungeneralizable discussions about specific campaigns. Political scientists have failed to construct a paradigm from which ethnic politics can be evaluated: the political and social conditions leading to divisive elections, the logical choices of positions on issues and emphasis by candidates running in polarized multicultural areas, and the exploration of mitigating forces in the environment. The linkage between the political parties and the voters in the society is through the preference distribution. Once political actors are aware of the policy preferences of the electorate, they are able to adopt positions consistent with maximizing votes.

Abstract: In his article, "A Reassessment of Conventional Wisdom About the Informed Public,"' Fred Hayward questions the validity of one of the more pervasive assumptions about political behavior in the new states-that the members of these polities, particularly residents of rural areas, are generally uninformed about the political process, and are consequently incapable of meaningful and rational participation in their countries' political life. Presenting survey data from six Ghanaian communities, Hayward argues that the publics of the new states are much better informed about the political process than heretofore supposed. Indeed, on some dimensions, these publics may be even better informed than the publics of polities regarded as more developed. Hayward's finding is significant, for it suggests