About: Victory is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 9480 publications have been published within this topic receiving 114794 citations. The topic is also known as: win & success.
TL;DR: Ikenberry as mentioned in this paper argues that the United States' ability to make commitments and restrain power is crucial for building stable and cooperative relations among industrial democracies. And he argues that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit constitutional characteristics.
Abstract: The end of the Cold War was a "big bang" reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the World Wars in 1919 and 1945. Here John Ikenberry asks the question, what do states that win wars do with their newfound power and how do they use it to build order? In examining the postwar settlements in modern history, he argues that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The author explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions--both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power--has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit "constitutional" characteristics. The open character of the American polity and a web of multilateral institutions allow the United States to exercise strategic restraint and establish stable relations among the industrial democracies despite rapid shifts and extreme disparities in power. This volume includes a new preface reflecting on the reverberating impact of past postwar settlements and the lessons that hold contemporary relevance. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, After Victory will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today. It also speaks to today's debate over the ability of the United States to lead in an era of unipolar power.
TL;DR: In this paper, Schelling argues that military power is not so much exercised as threatened in our world of nuclear weapons, and the exploitation of this power, for good or evil, to preserve peace or to threaten war, is diplomacy-the diplomacy of violence.
Abstract: Traditionally, Americans have viewed war as an alternative to diplomacy, and military strategy as the science of victory. Today, however, in our world of nuclear weapons, military power is not so much exercised as threatened. It is, Mr. Schelling says, bargaining power, and the exploitation of this power, for good or evil, to preserve peace or to threaten war, is diplomacy-the diplomacy of violence. The author concentrates in this book on the way in which military capabilities-real or imagined-are used, skillfully or clumsily, as bargaining power. He sees the steps taken by the U.S. during the Berlin and Cuban crises as not merely preparations for engagement, but as signals to an enemy, with reports from the adversary's own military intelligence as our most important diplomatic communications. Even the bombing of North Vietnam, Mr. Schelling points out, is as much coercive as tactical, aimed at decisions as much as bridges. He carries forward the analysis so brilliantly begun in his earlier The Strategy of Conflict (1960) and Strategy and Arms Control (with Morton Halperin, 1961), and makes a significant contribution to the growing literature on modern war and diplomacy. Stimson Lectures.Mr. Schelling is professor of economics at Harvard and acting director of Harvard's Center for International Affairs. "An exemplary text on the interplay of national purpose and military force."-Book Week. "A grim but carefully reasoned and coldly analytical book. . . . One of the most frightening previews which this reviewer has ever seen of the roads that lie just ahead in warfare."-Los Angeles Times. "A brilliant and hardheaded book. It will frighten those who prefer not to dwell on the unthinkable and infuriate those who have taken refuge in the stereotypes and moral attitudinizing."-New York Times Book Review.
TL;DR: The authors found strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity.
Abstract: Party identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.
TL;DR: The coming Revolt of the Guards as discussed by the authors was a seminal event in the history of the United States of America, which was followed by a series of other major events, such as the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the Vietnam War.
Abstract: 1. Columbus, the Indians, and Human Progress. 2. Drawing the Color Line. 3. Persons of Mean and Vile Condition. 4. Tyranny is Tyranny. 5. A Kind of Revolution. 6. The Intimately Oppressed. 7. As Long as Grass Grows or Water Runs. 8. We Take Nothing by Conquest, Thank God. 9. Slavery Without Submission, Emancipation Without Freedom. 10. The Other Civil War. 11. Robber Barons and Rebels. 12. The Empire and the People. 13. The Socialist Challenge. 14. War is the Health of the State. 15. Self-help in Hard Times. 16. A People's War? 17. "Or Does It Explode?" 18. The Impossible Victory: Vietnam. 19.Surprises. 20.The Seventies: Under Control? 21. Carter-Reagan-Bush: The Bipartisan Consensus. 22. The Unreported Resistance. 23.The Coming Revolt of the Guards. 24. The Clinton Presidency. Afterword. Bibliography. Index.
TL;DR: The Immortality of Industrial Society and the Contents of the Book as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays about the history of industrial society and its relation to environmental and social critique, including the following: 1. The Naturalistic Misunderstanding of the Environmental Movement: Environmental Critique as Social Critique. 2. Industrial Fatalism: Organised Irresponsibility.
Abstract: Translator's Note. Preface. Introduction: The Immortality of Industrial Society and the Contents of the Book. Part I: Dead Ends. 1. Barbarism Modernised: The Eugenic Age. 2. The Naturalistic Misunderstanding of the Ecological Movement: Environmental Critique as Social Critique. 3. Industrial Fatalism: Organised Irresponsibility. Part II: Antidotes. 4. The Self-Refutation of Bureaucracy: The Victory of Industralism over Itself. 5. Implementation as Abolition of Technocracy: The Logic of Relativistic Science. 6. The "Poisoned Cake": Capital and Labour in Risk Society. 7. Conflicts over Progress: The Technocratic Challenge to Democracy. Notes. Bibliography. Index.