Topicalization

Abstract: Introduction: parameters and morphosyntactic change Ans van Kemenade and Nigel Vincent Part I. Aspect, Argument Structure and Case Selection: 1. The interdependence of case, aspect and referentiality in the history of German Werner Abraham 2. The rise of the article in the Germanic languages Julia Philippi 3. The diachronic development of a modal verb of necessity Paola BenincA and Cecilia Poletto 4. Auxiliary verbs in Old and Middle French Philip H. Miller 5. Commentary on part I: aspect, argument structure and case selection Alessandra Tomaselli Part II. Clitics: 6. The emergence of the D-system in Romance Nigel Vincent 7. On two locations for complement clitic pronouns Maria Luisa Rivero 8. On the integration of second position phenomena Josep M. Fontana Part III. Verb Second and Comp: 9. Shifting triggers and diachronic reanalyses David Lightfoot 10. Viewing change in progress Alison Henry 11. Verb movement in Old and Middle English Anthony Kroch and Ann Taylor 12. V2 and embedded topicalization in Old and Middle English Ans van Kemenade 13. Qu'est-ce que ce que: the diachronic evolution of a French complementizer Laurie Zaring and Paul Hirschbuhler 14. The structure of parametric change, and V-movement in the history of English Anthony Warner Part IV. Scrambling and Morphological Change: 15. Directionality and word order change in the history of English Ian Roberts 16. On the relation between morphological and syntactic case Fred Weerman 17. The rise of positional licensing Paul Kiparsky The papers by Kiparsky, Roberts and Weerman: an epilogue Hoskuldur Thrainsson References Index.

Abstract: It is argued that the dependence of Scandinavian Object Shift on verb movement, called Holmberg’s Generalization, is a special case of a more general condition preventing Object Shift across any phologically visible category within VP: a verb, a preposition, a verb particle or another argument. Overt movement of the blocking category will always pave the way for Object Shift. The interplay between Object Shift and Verb Topicalization (verb movement to specCP) shows (a) that it makes no difference to Object Shift how the verb moves, as long as it moves, (b) that Holmberg’s Generalization is a matter of derivation, not representation, and (c) that Object Shift does not observe the strict cycle. It is proposed that Object Shift applies after insertion of pholological features in a component of stylistic rules, containing rules dependent on focus structure.

Abstract: 0. Introduction.- 1 Previous Analyses of Hungarian Phrase Structure.- 1.1. The 'Free Word Order', or Fully Non-configurational Approach.- 1.2. The 'NP VP', or Fully Configurational Approach.- 1.3. The Partially Non-configurational Approach.- 2 Hungarian Phrase Structure.- 2.1. The Invariant Positions of the Hungarian Sentence.- 2.2. Base Rules.- 2.3. Movement into F.- 2.3.1. Focusing.- 2.3.2. Questions.- 2.3.3. The Nominal/Adverbial Part of Complex Predicates in F.- 2.3.4. Aspect-marking.- 2.4. Movement into T.- 2.4.1. Topicalization.- 2.4.2. 'Contrastive Topic'.- 2.5. Quantifier-Raising.- 2.5.1. The Problem.- 2.5.2. The Operation of Quantifier-Raising.- 2.5.3. Scope Relations.- 2.5.4. Quantifiers in the NP.- 2.5.5. A Stylistic Rule.- 2.5.6. Quantifiers in Left Dislocation.- 2.6. Summary, Implications for Universal Grammar.- 3 Long Wh-movement, or the Traditional Problem of Sentence Intertwining.- 3.1. Long Wh-movement as a Test for Structural Configuration.- 3.2. Sentence Intertwining in Hungarian.- 3.2.1. The Problem.- 3.2.2. The 'Tight' Version of Sentence Intertwining.- 3.2.3. The 'Lax' Version of Sentence Intertwining.- 3.2.4. Intertwining in the Different Types of Complex Sentences.- 3.2.5. Summary.- 3.3. Subject-Object Symmetry in Hungarian Long Operator Movement.- 3.4. Conclusion.- 4 Questions of Binding and Coreference.- 4.1. Binding in Hungarian.- 4.1.1. The Primacy Condition of Binding.- 4.1.2. The Locality of Binding.- 4.2. The Coreference of Pronouns.- 4.3. Weak Crossover.- 4.4. Conclusion.- 5 Infinitival Constructions.- 5.1. Infinitives with an AGR Marker.- 5.2. Subject Control Constructions.- 5.2.1. Monoclausal Properties.- 5.2.2. Biclausal Properties.- 5.2.3. The Structure of Subject Control Constructions.- 5.3. The Problem of Governed PRO.- 6 Conclusion.- References.- Index of Names.- General Index.

Abstract: Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1981), pp. 249-264