TL;DR: Basaa verb root representations are built by the left-to-right mapping of a floating melody to any of four prosodically specified templates, and it is these verb root templates that determine the occurrence of phantom consonants.
Abstract: Basaa, a zone A Bantu language spoken in Cameroon, is only one among many genetically unrelated languages for which the positing of phonetically null phantom consonants facilitates a phonological account of certain otherwise unexpected surface forms encountered in derivational paradigms. Clements & Keyser (1983), Marlett & Stemberger (1983), Keyser & Kiparsky (1984), Crowhurst (1988) and Hualde (1992) propose that phantom consonants exist in Turkish, Seri, French, Finnish, Southern Paiute and Aranese Gascon, for example, syllabifying as onsets or codas where appropriate and in certain cases inducing the gemination of an adjacent consonantal segment or the lengthening of a preceding tautosyllabic vowel, as we shall see takes place in Basaa.' It is the purpose of this article to show that the phantom consonants of Basaa are of particular interest, however, because they do not occur in the melodic strings of underlying representations. This is what sets Basaa apart from other languages for which phantom consonants have been posited. Basaa verb root representations are built by the left-to-right mapping of a floating melody to any of four prosodically specified templates. In Basaa, it is these verb root templates that determine the occurrence of phantom consonants. When a too-short melody maps to a too-large template, we find phantom consonants in the rightmost portion of the verb root. The phantom consonants are none other than the leftover onset and coda positions of the template that remain empty after mapping. With the exception of the list in (2) below, all Basaa data appearing in this article were collected during a Field Methods course taught by Larry Hyman at the University of Southern California in 1985. Victor and Annette Bikai-Nyunai, native speakers of Basaa, are deserving of special mention and many thanks for their patience and grace during our elicitation sessions. The Dictionnaire Basaa-Franfais (Lemb & de Gastines 1973) has also proved invaluable to me in my studies of this intriguing language.
TL;DR: Results confirm previous findings that carryover nasalization is more extensive than anticipatory nasalization in French for both vowels and consonants and show that the temporal extent of intra-syllabic nasal coarticulatory airflow varies across vowel height and consonant manner of articulation and voicing.
TL;DR: In this paper, the phoneme /gL/ combines velar voiced stops and a velar lateral approximant, and the phonemic status of this segment is investigated in Hiw.
Abstract: Complex segments consisting of two phases are potentially ambivalent as to which phase determines their phonemic status – e.g. whether /tn/ is a stop or a nasal. This theoretical problem is addressed here with respect to a typologically unusual phoneme in Hiw, an endangered Oceanic language of Vanuatu. This complex segment, /gL/, combines a velar voiced stop and a velar lateral approximant. Similar phonemes, in the few languages which have them, have been variously described as (laterally released) stops, affricates or (prestopped) laterals. The nature of Hiw /gL/ can be established from its patterning in tautosyllabic consonant clusters. The licensing of word-initial CC clusters in Hiw complies with the Sonority Sequencing Principle, albeit with some adjustments. Consequently, the well-formedness of words like /mgLejiŋə/ ‘berserk’ relies on /gL/ being analyzed as a prestopped velar lateral approximant – the only liquid in the system.
TL;DR: The authors argue that the character of the particular gap with English coda/s/following tense vowels is phonologically accidental rather than systematic: not only are its c...(cf. Midlands p [u:]sh), there is but one ordinary English word with tense vowel plus/s /without special connotation, leash, yet even that is of Anglo-Norman origin.
Abstract: Native-stock English/s/normally derives from sk (Old English fisc > fish), a change dating to ca. 1100, at which time tense vowels were still absent before tautosyllabic consonant clusters. Though sequences of lax vowel plus final/s/have become common via old loans (push < French pousser) and coinages (posh), tense vowel plus final/s/sequences remain rare, chiefly because of the absence of a source in Old English. Today, these sequences convey either an affective, onomatopoeic quality (sheesh, swoosh) or represent modern borrowings for rather esoteric foreign concepts or entities (cartouche, gauche) or proper nouns like (Lyndon) Laroche. Dialectal vowel tensing notwithstanding (cf. Midlands p [u:]sh), there is but one ordinary English word with tense vowel plus/s/without special connotation, leash, yet even that is of Anglo-Norman origin. We argue here that the character of the particular gap with English coda/s/following tense vowels is phonologically accidental rather than systematic: not only are its c...
TL;DR: In this article, a set of phonological processes affecting words and morphemes in Leti, a language spoken on the island of Leti off the coast of Timor, are analyzed.
Abstract: OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY The focus of this paper is on a set of phonological processes affecting words and morphemes in Leti, a language spoken on the island of Leti off the coast of Timor. The processes in question involve segment merger, in the form of secondary articulation formation, glide formation, metathesis, resyllabification, and vowel deletion. A given form may undergo a number of these processes, depending upon the structure of the word itself and on the context in which it occurs. It is shown that the particular modifications of a given underlying form are required as a means of satisfying a small set of syllable, segmental, and morphological conditions. With respect to syllable structure, three conditions figure centrally in the analyses: syllables are required to have onsets, coda consonants are prohibited, and tautosyllabic consonant clusters are avoided. A segmental structure condition prohibiting tautosyllabic sequences of segments bearing [+high] also plays an active role, as does a requirement that a nonhigh vowel can only be realized as a syllable nucleus. A morphologically-driven syllable structure condition against morpheme-final open syllables also figures prominently in the analyses. It is demonstrated that this requirement is in conflict with a more general phrasal coda condition that requires a phrase-final morpheme to end in a vowel. The interaction of these two conditions is shown to lead to metathesis in one set of forms, while assuring no change in others.