TL;DR: This article conducted a multigenerational survey of Crimean Tatars and found that the descendants of individuals who suffered more intensely identify more strongly with their ethnic group, support more strongly the Crimean Tatar political leadership, hold more hostile attitudes toward Russia, and participate more in politics.
Abstract: Does political violence leave a lasting legacy on identities, attitudes, and behaviors? We argue that violence shapes the identities of victims and that families transmit these effects across generations. Inherited identities then impact the contemporary attitudes and behaviors of the descendants of victims. Testing these hypotheses is fraught with methodological challenges; to overcome them, we study the deportation of Crimean Tatars in 1944 and the indiscriminate way deportees died from starvation and disease. We conducted a multigenerational survey of Crimean Tatars in 2014 and find that the descendants of individuals who suffered more intensely identify more strongly with their ethnic group, support more strongly the Crimean Tatar political leadership, hold more hostile attitudes toward Russia, and participate more in politics. But we find that victimization has no lasting effect on religious radicalization. We also provide evidence that identities are passed down from the victims of the deportation to their descendants.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a Chronology of Principal Events in the History of Nationality Question in the Russian Empire, including the 1917 Revolution in the Ukraine and the Fall of the Ukrainian Central Rada.
Abstract: 1. The National Problem in Russia The Russian Empire on the Eve of the 1917 Revolution National Movements in Russia The Ukrainians and Belorussians. The Turkic Peoples. The Peoples of the Caucasus. Socialism and the National Problem in Western and Central Europe Russian Political Parties and the National Problem Lenin and the National Question before 1913 Lenin's Theory of Self-Determination 2. 1917 and The Disintegration of the Russian Empire The General Causes The Ukraine and Belorussia The Rise of the Ukrainian Central Rada (February-June 1917). From July to the October Revolution in the Ukraine. Belorussia in 1917. The Moslem Borderlands The All-Russian Moslem Movement. The Crimea in 1917. Bashkiriia and the Kazakh-Kirghiz Steppe. Turkestan and the Autonomous Government of Kokand. The Caucasus The Terek Region and Daghestan. Transcaucasia. The Bolsheviks in Power 3. Soviet Conquest of the Ukraine and Belorussia The Fall of the Ukrainian Central Rada The Communist Party of the Ukraine: Its Formation and Early Activity (1918) The Struggle of the Communists for Power in the Ukraine in 1919 Belorussia from 1918 to 1920 4. Soviet Conquest of the Moslem Borderlands The Moslem Communist Movement in Soviet Russia (1918) The Bashkir and Tatar Republics The Kirghiz Republic Turkestan The Crimea 5. Soviet Conquest of the Caucasus The Transcaucaslan Federation Soviet Rule in the North Caucasus and Eastern Transcaucasia (1918) The Terek Region. Baku. The Independent Republics (1918-19) Azerbaijan. Armenia. Georgia. The Prelude to the Conquest The Conquest The Fall of Azerbaijan. The Fall of Armenia. The Fall of Georgia. 6. The Establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics The Consolidation of the Party and State Apparatus The RSPSR. Relations between the RSFSR and the other Soviet Republics. The People's Republics. The Opposition to Centralization Nationalist Opposition: Enver Pasha and the Basmachis. Nationalist-Communist Opposition: Sultan-Galiev. Communist Opposition: the Ukraine. Communist Opposition: Georgia. Formulation of Constitutional Principles of the Union Lenin's Change of Mind The Last Discussion of the Nationality Question Conclusion Chronology of Principal Events Ethnic Distribution of Population, 1897 and 1926 The System of Transliteration Bibliography Notes Index
TL;DR: In this article, Tatar skillfully employs the tools not only of a psychoanalyst but also of a folklorist, literary critic, and historian to examine the harsher aspects of these stories.
Abstract: Murder, mutilation, cannibalism, infanticide, and incest: the darker side of classic fairy tales figures as the subject matter for this intriguing study of Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm's Nursery and Household Tales. This updated and expanded second edition includes a new preface and an appendix containing new translations of six tales, along with commentary by Maria Tatar. Throughout the book, Tatar skillfully employs the tools not only of a psychoanalyst but also of a folklorist, literary critic, and historian to examine the harsher aspects of these stories. She presents new interpretations of the powerful stories in this worldwide best-selling book. Few studies have been written in English on these tales, and none has probed their allegedly happy endings so thoroughly.
TL;DR: In Tatarstan, despite early mobilization, neither outbidding nor mass nationalist mobilization ultimately occurred as discussed by the authors, and the Tatar public center (TOTs) was formed, explicitly modeling itself on the Baltic popular front organizations, and a radical wing broke off from TOTs and formed Ittifak, or Alliance.
Abstract: In the late 1980s, as the world's oldest socialist state launched a massive program of economic and political reform, nationalism in the Soviet republics contributed not only to the end of reform, but also to the unexpected collapse of the Soviet Union itself. By 1991 fifteen new nation-states were created out of the union republics. National independence for these states represented the crowning moment in ethnonationalist revivals initiated by intellectuals but carried out by mass publics through protest cycles, popular referenda, and, ultimately, elections for independence. At the same time, national revival had also been taking place within the Soviet Union's autonomous republics, the majority of which were located inside Russia.'1 In the Tatar Autonomous Republic nationalist politics was developing along a trajectory similar to that of the most aggressive union republics. In 1988 the nationalist Tatar Public Center (TOTs) was formed, explicitly modeling itself on the Baltic popular front organizations. It began by calling for the protection of Tatar culture and ended up championing full independence for Tatarstan. In 1991 a radical wing broke off from TOTs and formed Ittifak, or Alliance. Ittifak promoted an exclusivist nationalist agenda, openly hostile to Russians in Tatarstan. As Ittifak attempted to win support away from the moderate Tatars, pro-Russian and profederalist groups organized in response. In the radicalization of the Tatar nationalist movement and in the growing popular support for these groups, we observe the origins of an ethnic outbidding scenario. Ethnic outbidding takes place when political entrepreneurs in a multiethnic polity attract political support by advocating a more ethnically exclusivist program than other politicians. In Tatarstan, despite early mobilization, neither outbidding nor mass nationalist mobilization ultimately occurred. Unlike the union republics, the autonomous republics remained a part of the Russian Federation. Popular support for the nationalists in Tatarstan weakened as the more moderate President Shamiev and his government emerged as the political victor. With the conclusion of a bilateral treaty between Tatarstan and Moscow in 1994, the republic backed away from national secession. By 1996 nationalist opposition groups had become practically irrelevant. How can the rise and subsequent wane of nationalist mobilization in Tatarstan be understood? And what can attention to cases of unsuccessful ethnic mobilization illustrate about the phenomenon more generally?
TL;DR: In this paper, Kuehnast and Nechemias present a series of essays by social scientists from the United States, Europe, and the former Soviet Union, going beyond coverage of Russia and ethnic Russians to treat Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, and Tatar and Sakha Republics of Russia.
Abstract: Women in the former Soviet Union, despite a legacy of high levels of education and labor force participation, face a host of new problems, according to editors Kathleen Kuehnast and Carol Nechemias. Neo-familialist ideologies have arisen, with a longing for the return of traditional families. A gendered division of labor in the market economy has pushed women to the bottom of the pyramid of small businesses as bazaar merchants. And in the political arena, men dominate formal government structures and political parties, while women dominate the realm of non-governmental organizations. Post-Soviet Women Encountering Transition studies these problems through a series of essays by social scientists from the United States, Europe, and the former Soviet Union, going beyond coverage of Russia and ethnic Russians to treat Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, and the Tatar and Sakha Republics of Russia. Through anthropology, political science, and other disciplines, the contributors examine women's role in nation-building, rural household economies, and democratization and civic activism. A final set of essays studies the interaction of post-Soviet women with Western aid organizations, which often pursue strategies not consonant with the situations and expressed desires of the women they are trying to help. Contributors: David Abramson, Andrea Berg, Susan Crate, Elena Gapova, Katherine Graney, Julie Hemment, Armine Ishkanian, Janet Johnson, Rebecca Kay, Ludmila Popkova, Michele Rivkin-Fish, Nayereh Tohidi, Cynthia Werner, and Tatiana Zhurzhenko.