About: Statistical discrimination is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 609 publications have been published within this topic receiving 32153 citations.
TL;DR: The theory of racial and sexual discrimination in the labor market was first introduced by Arrow as mentioned in this paper, who introduced the Inflation Policy and Unemployment Theory (INPT) and introduced the first formalization of the theory in terms of exact statistical models.
Abstract: My recent book, Inflation Policy and Unemployment Theory, introduces what is called the statistical theory of racial (and sexual) discrimination in the labor market.' The theory fell naturally out of the non-Walrasian treatment there of the labor "market" as operating imperfectly because of the scarcity of information about the existence and characteristics of workers and jobs. A paradigm for the theory is the traveller in a strange town faced with choosing between dinner at the hotel and dinner somewhere in the town. If he makes it a rule to dine outside the hotel without any prior investigation, he is said to be discriminating against the hotel. Though there will be instances where the hotel cuisine would have been preferable, the rule represents rational behavior it maximizes expected utilityif the cost of acquiring evaluations of restaurants is sufficiently high and if the hotel restaurant is believed to be inferior at least half the time. In the same way, the employer who seeks to maximize expected profit will discriminate against blacks or women if he believes them to be less qualified, reliable, long-term, etc. on the average than whites and men, respectively, and if the cost of gaining information about the individual applicants is excessive. Skin color or sex is taken as a proxy for relevant data not sampled. The a priori belief in the probable preferability of a white or a male over a black or female candidate who is not known to differ in other respects might stem from the employer's previous statistical experience with the two groups (members from the less favored groups might have been, and continue to be, hired at less favorable terms); or it might stem from prevailing sociological beliefs that blacks and women grow up disadvantaged due to racial hostility or at least prejudices toward them in the society (in which latter case the discrimination is self-perpetuating). The theory is applicable to the class of "liberal" employers and workers who have no distaste for hiring and working alongside black or female workers. By contrast, the theory of discrimination originated by Gary Becker is based on the factor of racial taste. The pioneering work of Gunnar Myrdal et al. also appears to center on racial (and, in an appendix, sexual) antagonism. Some indications of interest in the new theory, and the independent discovery of the same statistical theoryby Kenneth Arrow, convince me that it is time for a formalization of the theory in terms of an exact statistical model. Though what follows is very simple, it may be useful to those who like exact models and it may stimulate others to develop the theory further. An employer samples from a population of job applicants. The employer is able to measure the performance of each applicant in some kind of test, yi, which, after suitable scaling, may be said to measure the applicant's promise or degree of qualification, qi, plus an error term, ps.
TL;DR: The second edition of "The Economics of Discrimination" has been expanded to include three further discussions of the problem and an entirely new introduction which considers contributions made by others in recent years and some of the more important problems remaining as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This second edition of Gary S. Becker's "The Economics of Discrimination" has been expanded to include three further discussions of the problem and an entirely new introduction which considers the contributions made by others in recent years and some of the more important problems remaining. Mr. Becker's work confronts the economic effects of discrimination in the market place because of race, religion, sex, color, social class, personality, or other non-pecuniary considerations. He demonstrates that discrimination in the market place by any group reduces their own real incomes as well as those of the minority. The original edition of "The Economics of Discrimination" was warmly received by economists, sociologists, and psychologists alike for focusing the discerning eye of economic analysis upon a vital social problem-discrimination in the market place. "This is an unusual book; not only is it filled with ingenious theorizing but the implications of the theory are boldly confronted with facts. . . . The intimate relation of the theory and observation has resulted in a book of great vitality on a subject whose interest and importance are obvious."-M.W. Reder, "American Economic Review" "The author's solution to the problem of measuring the motive behind actual discrimination is something of a "tour de force." . . . Sociologists in the field of race relations will wish to read this book."-Karl Schuessler, "American Sociological Review"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined economic discrimination in labor markets using a stochastic model and empirically plausibility and implications of the alternative models of economic discrimination; role of statistical theories in the explanation of labor market discrimination.
Abstract: Examines economic discrimination in labor markets using a stochastic model. Analysis of several types of economic discrimination within the context of competitive market assumptions; Empirical plausibility and implications of the alternative models of economic discrimination; Role of statistical theories in the explanation of labor market discrimination. (Abstract copyright EBSCO.)
TL;DR: For instance, this paper found that as the concentration of minority groups and poverty increases, residents of all races perceive heightened disorder even after they account for an extensive array of personal characteristics and independently observed neighborhood conditions.
Abstract: This article reveals the grounds on which individuals form perceptions of disorder. Integrating ideas about implicit bias and statistical discrimination with a theoretical framework on neighborhood racial stigma, our empirical test brings together personal interviews, census data, police records, and systematic social observations situated within some 500 block groups in Chicago. Observed disorder predicts perceived disorder, but racial and economic context matter more. As the concentration of minority groups and poverty increases, residents of all races perceive heightened disorder even after we account for an extensive array of personal characteristics and independently observed neighborhood conditions. Seeing disorder appears to be imbued with social meanings that go well beyond what essentialist theories imply, generating self-reinforcing processes that may help account for the perpetuation of urban racial inequality.