About: Rendaku is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 87 publications have been published within this topic receiving 1355 citations. The topic is also known as: sequential voicing.
TL;DR: The authors argue that a bimoraic foot whose properties are similar to those of stress feet in other languages plays a significant role in Japanese morphophonology, which suggests that in Japanese a rhythmic system like that underlying many stress systems may coexist with the independent pitch accent system.
Abstract: Proposals for foot structure in Japanese have hitherto been limited to versification and to mechanisms for assigning tone that bear little resemblance to stress feet. This is not surprising, since the metrical foot has thus far been associated with stress, which Japanese appears to lack. I argue here that a bimoraic foot whose properties are similar to those of stress feet in other languages plays a significant role in Japanese morphophonology. The existence of such feet in Japanese has a number of implications, the most important of which is that it suggests that in Japanese a rhythmic system like that underlying many stress systems may coexist with the independent pitch accent system.
TL;DR: The authors demonstrate the role and reality of the linguistic unit called "mora" in Japanese through analysis of several types of speech error and other linguistic phenomena and show that the mora is an indispensable notion for the description and generalization of the patterns underlying speech errors in Japanese.
Abstract: The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the role and reality of the linguistic unit called ‘mora’ in Japanese through analysis of several types of speech error and other linguistic phenomena. It is shown that the mora is an indispensable notion for the description and generalization of the patterns underlying speech errors in Japanese. Specifically, analysis of blend errors suggests that mora boundaries are the most common switch point in Japanese, which supports the conception of the linguistic construct as being a psychologically real unit of speech production. in addition to the question of the mora, some related questions are also addressed, notably the psychological reality of the syllable and the syllable constituents of Japanese.
TL;DR: The authors argue that reference to output forms alone is sufficient for a description of English morphophonology if output forms are represented phonemically rather than phonetically and there are constraints which require certain features of derived words to be identical to the corresponding features in their base.
Abstract: In English, vowel-initial suffixation differs from consonant-initial suffixation in that it exhibits phonological effects. These include both phonologically conditioned gaps and systematic variations of the phonological structure of stem or suffix (i.e. allomorphy). Arguably both types of effects are closely related in that they allow satisfaction of phonological constraints in morphological output forms. Reference to the output rather than the input of affixation is necessary because the relevant constraints would be violated only as a result of combining the specific phonological forms of stems and affixes. I will argue that reference to output forms alone is sufficient for a description of English morphophonology if a) output forms are represented phonemically rather than phonetically and b) there are constraints which require certain features of derived words to be identical to the corresponding features in their base (cf. Benua 1995; Burzio 1994; McCarthy and Prince 1995; Raffelsiefen 1992, 1996).
TL;DR: The authors argue that phonetic naturalness and unnaturalness can interact within a single grammatical system, and that the interaction of the three constraints in Modern Japanese suggests that phonitic naturalness (the ranking Ident(voi)Sing » Ident(veto)Gem) and naturalness co-reside within one single module.
Abstract: This paper argues that phonetic naturalness and unnaturalness can interact within a single grammatical system. In Japanese loanword phonology, only voiced geminates, but not voiced singletons, devoice to dissimilate from another voiced obstruent. The neutralizability difference follows from a ranking which Japanese speakers created on perceptual grounds: Ident(voi)Sing » Ident(voi)Gem. On the other hand, the trigger of devoicing—OCP(voi)—has no phonetic underpinning because voicing does not have phonetic characteristics that would naturally lead to confusion-based dissimilation (Ohala, Proceedings of Chicago Linguistic Society: Papers from the parasession on language and behaviour, 1981, in: Jones (ed.) Historical linguistics: Problems and perspectives, 1993). OCP(voi) in Modern Japanese originated as a phonetically natural OCP(prenasal) in Old Japanese because the spread out heavy nasalization would lead to perceptual confusion, but it divorced from its phonetic origin when prenasalization became voicing. The interaction of the three constraints in Modern Japanese suggests that phonetic naturalness (the ranking Ident(voi)Sing » Ident(voi)Gem) and unnaturalness (OCP(voi)) co-reside within a single module.