TL;DR: In this article, the class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties, and the results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought.
Abstract: Canada stands out sharply as a country in which the ralationship of social class to electoral politics appears to be almost non-existent. The class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties. The results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought. This, in turn, suggests that the main source of the anomaly associated with the Canadian case resides, not with the Canadians themselves, but with the nature of the electoral options presented to them. This finding suggests that one cannot assume that the politics of a democracy faithfully reflect the salient concerns of its citizens. The results also suggest that conventional measures of voting behaviour, which normally fail to take into account the variable nature of electoral options, provide a poor indicator of the nature of mass sentiment.
TL;DR: The standard classification of the class positions of Canadian political parties was established by Robert Alford in his very important book, Party and Society as discussed by the authors, which was re-examined using six separate measures.
Abstract: La classification standard de la position de classe des partis politiques canadiens a eteetabli par Robert Alford dans son tres important ouvrage, Party and Society. La classification d'Alford est reexaminee en utilisant six mesures distinctes. Cinq des six sont en desaccord avec Alford. Les Liberaux sont souvent vus comme relativement conservateurs alors que quatre mesures placent le Credit Social comme plus liberal que les deux partis principaux. Cette analyse est suivie d'une discussion de la mensuration de la position de classe d'un parti et d'un essai d'explication du cas du Canada. On suggere qu'un modele a deux dimensions soit utilise pour la classification des partis politiques.
The standard classification of the class positions of Canadian political parties was established by Robert Alford in his very important book, Party and Society. Alford's classification is re-examined using six separate measures. Five out of six disagree with Alford. The Liberals are often seen as relatively conservative while four measures place Social Credit as more liberal than both the major parties. Discussion of measurement of party class positions and an attempt at explanation of the Canadian case follows. It is suggested that a bidimensional framework be used to classify political parties.
TL;DR: A data model that allows relationships between entities, also referred to as parties, to be modeled as attributes of an entity and for customization of the data model in a manner that facilitates upgrading of data model is presented in this article.
Abstract: A data model that allows for relationships between entities, also referred to as parties, to be modeled as attributes of an entity and for customization of the data model in a manner that facilitates upgrading of the data model The data model defines a party class that includes a party identifier and a list of relationships of that party with other parties The relationships may include represented-by relationships, customer-of relationships, contact-of relationships, or employee-of relationships The party class can be sub-classed (ie, be a base class for a derived class) depending on the type of party that is being model
TL;DR: In their accounts of events on the domestic front, however, liberal-consensus and pluralist historians of the postwar era have neglected to give sufficient weight to ideological factors derived from the country's social and economic structure.
Abstract: economy would have hindered production, lowered morale, and decreased social stability. In their accounts of events on the domestic front, however, liberal-consensus and pluralist historians of the postwar era have neglected to give sufficient weight to ideological factors derived from the country’s social and economic structure. One casualty of their analyses has been the age-old conflict between landlords and tenants. Treatment of this important topic has been minimal or