Abstract: This month, LGBT people in cities across the U.S. are celebrating Pride Month. Two weekends ago, Chicago, the city where I write this review, hosted its “Pride Fest” full of concerts, drag shows, and (of course) partying. This past weekend, the city hosted its annual pride parade, a three-hour procession comprised of nearly every LGBT sub-group you could imagine and parent groups, churches, business, and politicians that support the LGBT community. An estimated one million spectators lined the streets to watch the parade.

Abstract: The effect of telephone transmission on a listener's ability to recognise a speaker in a voice parade is investigated. A hundred listeners (25 per condition) heard 1 of 5 'target' voices, then returned a week later for a voice parade. The 4 conditions were: target exposure and parade both at studio quality; exposure and parade both at telephone quality; studio exposure with telephone parade, and vice versa. Fewer correct identifications followed from telephone exposure and parade (64%) than from studio exposure and parade (76%). Fewer still resulted for studio exposure/telephone parade (60%) and, dramatically, only 32% for telephone exposure/studio parade. Certain speakers were identified more readily than others across all conditions. Confidence ratings reflected this effect of speaker, but not the effect of exposure/parade condition.

Abstract: Chinese processional and musical performances in Australia are the subject of several key studies; however, the origin of the performances or their continuation during the ‘White Australia’ policy era and their transformations over time are neglected. This article investigates the Chinese processional performances that have featured at the Bendigo Easter Fair since the late nineteenth century, and outlines three stages in the transformation of the procession from a Chinese religious procession to a performance of Bendigo's cultural heritage. The case shows a dynamic, bi-directional relationship between the Anglo-Celtic and Chinese communities that predates the ‘White Australia’ policy and continued throughout the era. It offers reconsiderations of several issues in the study of Chinese transnational communities, namely the importance of culture in establishing transnational networks, the role of music in maintaining and recreating cultural identities, and the importance of the Chinese processional...

Abstract: This article introduces the concept of urban togetherness to parade research. We suggest that some parades are practices that establish urban relations and not community, carnival or consumerist relations. We develop this new perspective on the basis of a literature review and an analysis of a parade in Brussels, the Zinneke Parade. In the literature review, we distinguish between three existing perspectives on parades. Research has argued that parades serve to build community and claim identity, to suspend social positions and to enable tourist/consumerist relations. In our analysis, we focus on concrete features of the Zinneke Parade obtained through video recording showing the costumes and objects carried along, the rhythm and sounds, and the borders and interactions established during the parade. We argue that the Zinneke Parade should be understood as a form of urban togetherness in which participants and spectators are exposed to each other in a practice that does not necessarily lead to ide...

Abstract: v Introduction – A Soviet Parade of Horribles 1 Chapter 1 – Aversion Therapy: Sex as Cultural Conservatism in Cinema 28 Chapter 2 – The Weakest Link: Popular Press Discourses on Sex in Soviet Society 63 Epilogue – A Post-Soviet Paradox 88 Bibliography 98

Abstract: Norman Bel Geddes’s Futurama exhibit was a national sensation, but it was only one component of a larger effort by General Motors to promote highway-centric urban design to the citizenry of North America. Historians of architecture and planning have neglected most of this effort, focusing on the important roles of designers and governments in highway creation while downplaying the powerful voices of corporations. GM’s engagement with urbanism began in the wake of the 1933–34 Century of Progress Exposition in Chicago when it capitalized on the success of its fair exhibit by launching the Parade of Progress, a roadshow that took visions of America’s high-tech future to towns all across the continent. Millions saw this “miniature world’s fair on wheels.” The subsequent success of the Futurama in 1939 reinvigorated the parade, and several schemes were concocted to add the Futurama to the roadshow. World War II interrupted these efforts, but victory eventually brought the Parade of Progress back to the highways and byways of America, with renewed emphasis on the importance of urban demolition and highway construction for any community that hoped to enter the promised land of scientific progress. From Palm Beach to Portland, from Pasadena to Providence, the General Motors Parade of Progress spread the “gospel of research,” pleading with Americans to plow freeways through the hearts of their old-fashioned towns and embrace the car as a necessity of daily life. The dramatic rise of state support for urban and suburban highways in the mid-1950s suggests the message was heard.

Abstract: This paper investigates the relationship between ritualized protest and the underlying political values and processes which it reflects. It compares two public ceremonial events in Pasadena, California, that compete to define the community's urban image: the well-known Rose Parade and its recently established counterpart, the Doo Dah Parade. Parades are secular ritual forms which express community values and sentiments by symbolically abstracting features of the social and normative structures from which they derive. The Rose Parade, utilizing a corporate bureaucratic model of organization, is staged with commercially sponsored floral floats of fantastic beauty but innocuous themes. As a ritual of rebellion the Doo Dah intentionally protests against the established order represented by the Rose Parade, as well as the dominant forces of contemporary American society, by employing costume and per- formances in parody, satire, and licentiousness. Within the local community, however, the protest is directed against urban redevelopment processes which have been controlled by the local elite and are now being challenged by a growing pluralistic contingent of community forces. Each parade reflects the normative, social, and economic bases of its primary support group. Since the mid-1970s several American cities have experienced a new development in their public ceremonial lives, the appearance of the alternative parade. An alternative parade is defined as an event conceived and staged in conscious opposition to a community's dominant or primary public ceremony.2 One of these creations, the Doo Dah Parade of Pasadena, California, was intentionally created as a ritualized inversion of that city's nationally known New Year's Day Rose Parade. Billing itself 155

Abstract: IntroductionOn the evening of February 21, 2015, Auckland held its annual LGBTIQ Pride parade. The organisers stressed the diversity and inclusiveness of this event (Auckland Pride Festival, 2014). For the first time, this inclusiveness extended to uniformed police and prison officers. However, some parade-goers objected to the presence of these two organisations. Holding a banner stating that there is 'No Pride in Prisons', three protesters stormed onto Ponsonby Road and attempted to stop the police float from progressing (Radio New Zealand, 2015).These prison abolition activists, in a statement, said that they were not proud of the disproportionate charging, conviction, and incarceration of Maori people or the imprisonment of trans women in men's prisons (No Pride in Prisons, 2015). They were protesting the inclusion of Corrections and police officers in the parade, given the historic and contemporary mistreatment of marginalised people by those organisations. 1The protesters claim police and parade security targeted a Maori trans woman protester as the protesters were being escorted off the road. Unlike the other two protesters, both Pakeha, parade security dragged her away and forced her to the ground. She suffered a serious break in her arm. Supporters stated that, instead of immediately seeking medical assistance, police proceeded to handcuff and question the woman (Kenealy, 2015).This event, while small and brief, seems to have shocked Auckland's LGBTIQ community. Although it was not the first disruption of a Pride parade by queer and transgender protesters in Auckland or abroad, something about the event seems to have brought to light an already-existing rift within that community. On the one hand, devotees to Auckland Pride admonished the disrespectful, reckless nature of the protests that detracted from the celebration of Pride (GayNZ, 2015; Joule & Stevens, 2015). On the other, supporters of the prison abolitionist group No Pride in Prisons (NPIP) argued that the status quo, of which Pride is a part, does serious structural violence to the most marginalised within the community (Kenealy, 2015; Shields, 2015). In what follows, I attempt to discern the political meaning of the parade, its disruption, and the cultural response to it.Politics or PoliceFirst, I read the parade's disruption, the cultural response to it and the history of queer activism in Aotearoa and abroad, through the work of the French philosopher, Jacques Ranciere. The purpose of this is not just to understand this event but also to provide a broader critique of those forms of liberal identity politics which seek mere inclusion within the given forms of domination for any given identity category.For Ranciere, politics is the necessary result of and opposition to what he calls 'police.' Police in this sense refers not only to the repressive state apparatus that arrests criminalised populations but also to the social distribution of roles to certain bodies within certain spaces. This distribution involves the allocation of distinct 'ways of doing, ways of being, and ways of saying, and sees that those bodies are assigned by name to a particular place and task' (Ranciere, 1999, p. 29). For example, it allocates social values and roles to bodies assigned the category of "man," while depriving other bodies of those values and roles, imposing a different regime of 'doing', 'being', and 'saying'.This process is also what Ranciere calls the 'partition of the sensible' (2013, p. 36). The partition, or dividing up, of the sensible involves the counting and separating of all the distinct parts and parties who exist within a community. It is the separation of groups, people, and ideas, determining what is and what is not visible and sayable. It mediates one's capacity to be sensed and understood as an intelligible part of the community. In other words, the partition of the sensible is the process by which police orders the world and distributes bodies, creating the given modes of domination. …

Abstract: The Manchester parade is a celebration of ‘all things Manchester’. Explicit attempts to nurture and encourage a creative outpouring from community groups are made by event organisers and artists. I found that the parade took its shape from different responses to the flow of activity. The emergent ‘freezing’ shape of the parade then influenced its further development. Drawing on notions of flow and freezing, I show how Ingold's emphasis on emergence can work together with Gell's emphasis on the web of social relations, and it is the two working in tandem that give an entity its shape. This analysis of activities at a local level provides an insight into how global forces impact on groups and individuals unprepared or unable to go with the flow.

Abstract: In 1783 the inhabitants of Richmond held a public ball to celebrate the Treaty of Paris, which officially ended America's war with Britain and recognized the United States as a sovereign nation. Unlike the public balls of the colonial era, which had included only royal officials and members of the provincial elite, this ball was attended by a cross-section of the town's white population. Attempting to adapt the genteel ritual of the public ball to the more egalitarian values of the revolutionary era, the event's organizers determined the order of dancers by lot, not by social status. When the participants drew their lots, the daughter of a shoemaker won the honor of the first dance. Although the wife and daughters of Virginia's governor resented their loss of precedence, a European visitor reported that among the other guests "the unanimous opinion was that the lot should be as valid against any claims of rank."1 In Richmond and elsewhere in the southern states, new civic rituals soon overshadowed such attempts to adapt colonial traditions to republican political values. The transition from monarchy to republic transformed southern civic pageantry, as postrevolutionary republicans invented new rituals to replace those of the imperial past, to redefine the relationship between government and the people, and to instill in citizens a new sense of American national identity. Before the Revolution, genteel balls celebrating royal births, accessions, and battlefield victories were the most important southern civic rituals. After the Revolution, the Fourth of July parade, with its attendant speeches, dinners, and toasts, increasingly became the region's dominant form of civic celebration.

Abstract: The study intended to divulge the Señor Santo Niño devotees’ lived experiences in a fluvial parade as a component of the celebration of Cebu City’s Sinulog Festival. This utilized a phenomenological studies design of the respondents’ narratives on their lived experiences in the Sinulog Fluvial Parade. A bracketing process was adapted to separate the researcher’s perspective from the respondents’ lived experiences. Fluvial Parade espoused a significant celebration in the lives of the many devotees of Señor Santo Niño. Emotional bliss and peace of mind are evident in their faces as they welcomed Señor Santo Niño in his coming through his short voyage. They come to witness this event as a means of taking part in the celebration, expressing their gratitude to all the blessings, good health and many opportunities they have received, self-commitment and strong devotion to the child Jesus Christ. Fluvial parade showcased the Cebuano faith and tradition i.e. uniquely animistic and ritualistic Filipino. Señor Santo Niño symbolized as the giver of strength and the source of support among the devotees. As a whole, fluvial parade epitomized love, peace and unity, which heaved the Cebuanos to unconditional faith, as loyal devotees of the Holy Child Jesus. It is recommended that organizers of the annual fluvial parade will retain the best features of the celebration and will continue to find better ways to improve or disseminate information for wider participation and preservation of this unique Cebuano Christian heritage.

Abstract: In December of 2006, over a year after Hurricane Katrina made landfall in New Orleans, the Big Nine Social Aid and Pleasure Club (SAPC) held their annual parade in the Lower Ninth Ward, an African ...

Abstract: This paper explores how social media can facilitate peace building by focusing on how citizens used Twitter during a contentious march in the Ardoyne district of North Belfast in July 2014. Fears of a repeat of sectarian clashes seen a year earlier were not realized, and the study was designed to empirically investigate whether critics and supporters of the Orange Order used the microblogging site to help reduce the sectarian tensions that surrounded the contentious parade. In particular, it focused on how users responded to rumors and disinformation spread on the micro-blogging site, which had the potential to incite violence in the contested interface area. The nature of the debate amongst those ‘tweeters’ who commented on the contentious Ardoyne parade was also investigated, with a focus on how they framed the attitudes and behavior of the ‘other’ community during these events. Results indicate that the majority of tweeters praised both sides for keeping the parade and related protests peaceful. However, Twitter did not appear to be a shared space capable of fostering cross-community consensus on how to resolve the parade dispute. The study suggests that Twitter’s most significant contribution to peace building in Northern Ireland might lie in its empowerment of citizens to correct rumors and disinformation, which have the potential to exacerbate sectarian tensions and generate intercommunal violence.

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Abstract: Capturing the case of Parade Tauhid in Indonesia, this paper aims to describe embodied relationship between religion (Islam) and politics. As part of social action, Islamic activism provides variety of contention which is practiced in the name of “Islam”: ideologically, structurally, and purposely. Within his explanation of communicative action theory, Habermas acknowledges what so-called as “strategic action” which can be defined as every action oriented to success under the aspect of rational choice and assess the efficacy of influencing decisions or positions of rational opponent. In this context, Parade Tauhid is perceived to be conducted for reaching several political and theological purposes based on rational choices, although it is practiced by performing religious event. This paper attempts to describe definition of Islamic activism, explore the event of Parade Tauhid, and analyze the parade using Habermas’s theory of strategic action.

Abstract: In 2008, a group of queer activists in Sarajevo organized the Sarajevo Queer Festival in an attempt to raise the visibility of queer people in Sarajevo, but the event resulted in a violent attack on the queer community. Since 2008, the actors and tactics of activists have changed, moving from the single, more radical, Organization Q, to the emergence of more groups with a more moderate approach. My research poses the question how have the tactics of queer activists in Sarajevo changed since the attack on the Sarajevo Queer Festival and the passage of the 2009 antidiscrimination law. Through semi-structured interviews and observational study of queer-friendly spaces and activist events, I conclude that activist tactics have taken a more moderate approach that has resulted in legal protection, but has not yet built a strong community amongst queer people in Sarajevo. These changes lead me to analyze current challenges in queer activism and the trajectory of practices.

Abstract: This chapter examines the creative practice of Theatre Modo in North East Scotland.2 A self-defined ‘social circus’ established in 1995, Theatre Modo works throughout Scotland from bases in Glasgow and, since 2012, Peterhead utilizing ‘high quality engagement in circus, street theatre and carnival arts as a catalyst for individual and community change’ (Theatre Modo). In 2009, Aberdeenshire Community Planning Partnership invited Modo to contribute to a ‘Youth Regeneration’ project in Peterhead and Fraserburgh, fishing towns located on the north-eastern coastline of the region with small, yet notable, pockets of multiple deprivation. Since 2009 Modo has produced an annual Fireworks Parade, a large celebratory community event coinciding with Bonfire Night, in Peterhead (Pandemonium 2009, Leviathan 2011) and Fraserburgh (Fantasmagoria 2010, Maelstrom 2012). Here we focus on the making of Maelstrom, The Shell Fireworks Parade in Fraserburgh in 2012, which was the culmination of a four-year programme of community partnership, public engagement and creative practice.

Abstract: This is a photo essay about Halloween, wearing masks and costumes, and the im/possibility of showing one’s true identity.

Abstract: From the work of professional artists, to soldiers’ sketchbooks, to photographs, a range of different visual media bear witness to music as a feature of military entertainment. From the time the presence of bands became routine in the British army in the late eighteenth century, music was as important to the army in this context as it was in overtly military settings such as on the march or the parade ground. But this was always entertainment with a serious underlying purpose. At one end of the spectrum, music at dinner in the officers’ mess reinforced a sense of social exclusivity and the right to command. Similarly, a regimental band was a very useful tool of soft power in civilian contexts: playing outside the barracks, at balls and in public parks, it made the local presence of a regiment palatable, even glamorous. At the other end of the spectrum, the anarchic music hall acts of divisional concert parties on the Western Front and elsewhere in the theatre of World War I were entirely different from regimental band performance in almost all respects, except that they too were (paradoxically) about the preservation of order: they offered soldiers a way of addressing and accommodating the situation in which they found themselves―one which their diaries and memoirs frequently describe in terms of madness and lunacy.

Abstract: James Phillips A story goes that the king of Scythia had a highlybred mare, and that all her foals were splendid; that wishing to mate the best of the young males with the mother, he had him brought to the stall for the purpose; that the young horse declined; that, after the mother’s head had been concealed in a wrapper he, in ignorance, had intercourse; and that, when immediately afterwards the wrapper was removed and the head of the mare was rendered visible, the young horse ran away and hurled himself down a precipice. (Aristotle, History of Animals 631a1-8)