Abstract: Festivals, parades and other public cultural spectacles are important sites in which communities demarcate their boundaries and attempt to expand them by claiming public space. This article draws from ethnographic fieldwork at Toronto's Jesus in the City parade, an annual event in which Toronto-area Christians take their message to the city's downtown in a Carnival-style procession, to explore what Amanda Weidman has called the ‘politics of voice’ in the parade: how religious participants create, contest and negotiate various affiliations in the public sphere through their musical performance of congregational songs. Exploring what sounds are produced and why reveals how parade participants use musical performance on the city stage in their quest to define what it means to be a Christian, an ethnic minority and a Canadian in the twenty-first century.

Abstract: This article examines the controversy over the Beijing Olympics–themed float for the 2008 Pasadena Rose Parade in the broad context of China’s public diplomacy and contentious international politics involving the Chinese community in Los Angeles, human rights activists, the City of Pasadena, and other players It aims to understand the ways in which a nation’s public diplomacy strategy can be contested in a local setting and how different players mobilized their resources to strategically frame their messages It explores three questions: (1) How did different parties draw on the repertoire of contentious politics to frame the controversy? (2) What role did the Chinese diaspora play in the development of the controversy? How does the controversy clarify the function of Chinese immigrants in China’s public diplomacy? (3) What did this controversy imply for China’s soft power and international communication? This article draws on materials from media reports, official records, videotaped meeting records, personal observations, and semi-structured interviews with the float sponsors, organizers, officials in Pasadena, and human rights activists

Abstract: The sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China on 1 October 2009 was marked with a massive parade in the heart of Beijing viewed on hundreds of millions of television screens across the nation. English-language media coverage focused primarily on what it saw as the event's explicit message: the Communist Party's celebration of the nation's military might and continued economic growth, and its origins in a coherent and uniquely Chinese ideology. Such coverage largely reflected international fears of China and thus misread the parade's import and impact on its domestic audience. I argue that the National Day events are better understood as a form of visual poetry that relied on performance to emotionally conflate party, nation, and state. Both the speeches of party leaders and the scripted remarks of state media commentators relied on language and ideas that the Chinese public has heard numerous times. The visual elements of the parade, in contrast, were unprecedented in both scale and spectacle. Hundreds of thousands took part in displays of collective harmony, unified patriotic sentiment, and ethnic unity. The distinctive style and rhythm of the parade depicted a vision of nationhood without the ethnic fractures, labour unrest, and massive inequalities that constitute the greatest threat to the power of the party-state as it embarks on its seventh decade of continuous rule.

Abstract: Birmingham's St Patrick's Day parade claims to be the largest of such events in the UK and the third best attended in the world. Despite resorting to universal advertising proclamations that for one day ‘everyone is a little bit Irish’, this annual march continues to foster the unique musical character of the local diaspora; a metanarrative for the wider, fractious journey of the Irish community into the West Midlands over the past sixty years. This paper examines the primary event in Birmingham's calendar by way of the sounds of the spectacle, considering the musical display that is presented in the processional mode to a static audience sharing city-centre streets one Sunday morning every March. By engaging with the theories on performance of Domenico Pietropaolo, Mikhail Bakhtin and Stephen Greenblatt, this paper argues that it is in the audible space of the parade that Birmingham creates Breda Gray's Ireland ‘of global flows’.

Abstract: This survey of the online fashion scene is the first to profile the field's best-known bloggers and most exciting up-andcomers. Packed with vibrant photos and interviews, Style Feed includes Streetpeeper's uncompromising edginess; industry insider Disneyrollergirl's savvy analysis; the passionate flamboyance of Anna Dello Russo; prescient observations from Chicago teenager Tavi Gevinson, The Style Rookie; former model Hanneli Mustaparta's take on what's hot right now; The Business of Fashion's up-to-the-minute news; and chic elders on parade through the streets of Manhattan as documented on Advanced Style. Susie Bubble, founder of influential blog The Style Bubble, opens the book with her own quirky take on style blogging's history and importance within the fashion world at large and then selects the entries included. Perfect for fashion rule-breakers and closet-packing Prada fiends alike, Style Feed offers unprecedented access to a pioneering stream of talented trendspotters.

Abstract: This exhibition examines the historical significance of the Priests of Pallas Parade and Ball, a tableaux style parade and carnival event that took place in Kansas City, Missouri, predominantly from 1887 to 1911. Organized by the town’s wealthy business leaders, the celebration was a means by which they attracted tourism and increased profit that, in turn, helped the city grow. Additionally, the event was an important vehicle used to visually and publicly define and reinforce the social hierarchy existing in Kansas City at the turn of the twentieth century. Historians have studied nineteenth century public street parades as a whole, particularly focusing on their purpose in society and how they were utilized, but little scholarly attention has been given to Kansas City and even less attention, if any, has been given to the Priests of Pallas. Examining newspaper sources, ephemera, photographic and other visual media maintained by area manuscript collections and libraries, the celebration has been thoroughly explored and contextualized in Kansas City’s history and the larger American narrative in this exhibit.

Abstract: Part of what makes New Orleans unique is its distinct traditions, like the smell of gumbo wafting through the French Quarter or Mardi Gras' mock carnival royalty parading with pomp down crowd-filled streets. Joining these vibrant cultural elements is another singular New Orleanian icon: the jazz funeral. In the African-American communities of New Orleans, death and mourning are confronted through an idiosyncratic musical and dancing procession that involves jazz musicians, benevolent society sponsors, and neighborhood tag-a-longs. At these funerals, community members take to the streets in order to celebrate the life of a deceased loved one. Improvisational high stepping and other ambulatory dancing solidify communal agency and reaffirm life; jazz funerals are spiritual, somber, festive and lively. They are so spectacular, in fact, that Willie Pajaud, late trumpeter with the Eureka Brass Band, once commented: "I'd rather play a funeral than eat a turkey dinner" (Allen). Traditions like these are crucial to maintaining regional identity and become even more important during times of distress. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans - especially many predominantly African-American neighborhoods - endured immense loss and destruction: decimated homes, people dead or missing, and a sense of being forgotten by a government that hesitated to act permeated the landscape. Almost 1,500 Louisianans died from the storm and its aftermath. Moreover, the efforts of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to evacuate residents and assist in the city's recovery demonstrated a stunning lack of preparation, from gathering preliminary disaster response supplies to providing sanitary medical attention. Added to this was an outbreak of violence and crime in the days following the storm. Amidst these ordeals, the jazz funeral functions as a mechanism of healing and as a rallying cry that the unique spirit of New Orleans isn't lost or even silent. It perseveres. Despite resilient determination, the jazz funeral and its cultural siblings (brass band and second line parades) face new challenges. Rising tensions and violence in Katrina's wake left one person killed and several others wounded after gunfire erupted during two-second-line parades early in 2006. In response, the New Orleans Police Department (N.O.P.D.) now requires the sponsors of these parades and jazz funerals - benevolent societies called Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs (SAP Burdeau). According to the N.O.P.D., this increase allows for heightened numbers of parade police escorts (Nossiter). On November 16, 2006, the American Civil Liberties Union of Louisiana filed a federal lawsuit in representation of the Social Aid and Pleasure Club Task Force, a group of 21 clubs and "other plaintiffs" (Simmons). In addition to fighting the exorbitant costs (impossible for most clubs to raise), the ACLU suit also argues that higher escort fees run the risk of killing the jazz funeral tradition, especially as this ongoing lawsuit is continually taxing residents financially. The jazz funeral's survival involves overcoming more than just financial woes, however; reputations are at stake. The SA&PC are fraternal societies who typically operate out of historically African-American neighborhoods - some of the same neighborhoods hit hardest by Katrina. While struggling to rebuild their homes and their lives, SA&PC men also work to combat the negative images of black men in New Orleans: as looters, violent gang members, and homicidal drug dealers. These persistent stereotypes plague most of New Orleans' black communities, but the media portrays the Ninth Ward in particular as an area inundated by shootings, drugs, and physical assaults. Against this backdrop, though, resides hope. This is, after all, jazz funeral territory, where the neighborhood turns out to support each other as they collectively face the loss of a valued community member. …

Abstract: This study was aimed at analyzing the location and topology of the `Gungmyo(宮廟)` and in Hanyang Doseong(漢陽都城) during 18th and 19th century. Based on the changes of royal processions(行幸) which had been done between the Gungmyo and the Palace, the Gungmyo can be a barometer of cognition where the city center was. Hanyang Doseong was the the capital of Joseon(朝鮮) which had established by king Taejo(太祖). The city had been organized with Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) as the center. However, after the Imjin War(1592), Gyeongbok-gung was destroyed and urban space was reorganized with Changduk-gung(昌德宮) which reconstructed first. As most kings in late Joseon dynasty had mainly stayed in Changduk-gung, lots of Gungmyos where a memorial service for king`s relatives had been held were established in and around the palace and the frequency of visiting the Gungmyo varied by political purpose. Therefore, the location of the Gungmyo and the rounte of parade were important to impress on the center of urban space. In 18th century, lots of King`s procession had been done with Changduk-gung as departure point. The king used to start from Donwha-mun(敦化門), and the routes included main street around Changduk-gung. It shows that the urban center focused on the east of the city. On the other hand, when the king lived in Kyeonghee-gung(慶熙宮), a secondary palace in late Joseon dynasty, the parade started from Hungwha-mun(興化門) and the urban center was expended to the west. Since Gyeongbok-gung had reconstructed in 1865, recognition scheme of urban space had changed from Changduk-gung to Gyeongbok-gung as the center. When the Gungmyo relocated western side of Gyeongbok-gung, spatial proximity of the palace and relation with facilities around downtown fed into changing the route of king`s parade.

Abstract: The Philadelphia Mummers Parade–one of the oldest and largest parades in the US–consists of groups of mostly working-class white men from South Philadelphia who dress up in extravagant sequined and feathered costumes and march the length of the largest street in the city on New Year's Day. The parade's history in Philadelphia is extensive but contested. Many locals know little about the parade, while others debate its history and the problems with sexism and racism therein. The parade community attempts to control its own historical narrative, but ultimately damages its reputation in doing so.

Abstract: With the development of computer graphics and virtual reality technologies, extensive researches have been carried out on digital archiving of cultural properties. For decades, tangible cultural heritage contents including historical crafts, archaeological sites, and historical buildings have been digitally archived. Recently, digital archiving of intangible culture heritage contents, such as traditional festivals and behaviors of participants in cultural events have attracted more and more attention. Yamahoko Parade of Gion Festival, one of the most famous festivals in Japan, becomes a symbolic landscape in Kyoto. During the festival, 32 floats (yama and hoko) representing each local neighborhood parade in the city center. We conduct researches to restore and represent this exciting event, full of Kyoto's tangible and intangible culture and tradition, with cutting-edge technologies such as laser scanning, CG modeling, motion capture system, 4D-GIS, high fidelity sound recording, and vibration system.

Abstract: In this thesis I address the following questions: (1) How do dykes take up space in public in contemporary cities? (2) How does the ‘marching dyke’ emerge as a subject and what kind of subject is it? (3) How, in turn, do marching dykes affect space? In order to examine these questions I focus on the Toronto Dyke March to ask how it emerged in this particular time and place. The answer to each of these questions is paradoxical. I argue that the Dyke March is a complex, complicated and contradictory site of politics, protest and identity. Investigating ‘marching dykes’ reveals how the subject of the Dyke March is imagined in multiple and conflicting ways. The Toronto Dyke March is an event which brings together thousands of queer women annually who march together in the streets of Toronto on the Saturday afternoon of Pride weekend. My research examines how the March emerged out of a history of activism and organizing and considers how the March has been made meaningful for queer women’s communities, identities, histories and spaces. My analysis draws together queer and feminist

Abstract: This article focuses on the practical effects of ethnology’s framing of ritual. It examines the attitude of Dutch municipalities towards subsidizing the annual St. Nicholas parade. Some are in favor, considering the parade an element of tradition. Others are opposed, arguing that the parade is a commercial activity. Because the parade, and much other ritual, has both cultural and commercial facets, the author encourages ethnology to design a more fitting, encompassing concept. Clanek obravnava prakticne ucinke etnoloskega uokvirjenja rituala, pri cemer posebej razisce odnos nizozemskih obcin do subvencioniranja Miklavževega sprevoda. Nekatere so mu naklonjene, saj jo imajo za sestavni del tradicije. Druge pa mu nasprotujejo in trdijo, da je sprevod komercialna dejavnost. Ker ima parada, pa tudi mnogi drugi rituali, tako kulturno kot komercialno plat, avtor pomaga etnologiji ustvariti ustreznejsi, sirse zastavljen koncept.

Abstract: A fifteenth-century decorative parade shield (1863,0501.1) held at the British Museum is a finely crafted, three-dimensional object thought to be of Burgundian origin. Little was known about its painting technique, construction, and function before the study presented in this paper. Concerns over the object's stability and specific mounting needs for its inclusion in the recently refurbished medieval galleries prompted the detailed research undertaken collaboratively between the Courtauld Institute of Art, London and the British Museum. There were three areas of focus: a study of the original materials and techniques, a survey of the conservation history and materials, and recommendations for display. Analysis revealed that the painting method was analogous to fifteenth-century northern European easel painting practice and the structure similar to that reported in parade shields of the period and region. The study also revealed extensive damage to the wooden core. Further damage to the shield's edges, and...

Abstract: "This was the first time I felt as involved in film as in working in theatre My immersion in "Parade s End" from the writing to the finishing touches took up the time I might have given to writing my own play but, perhaps to an unwarranted degree, I think of this "Parade s End" as mine, such was the illusion of proprietorship over Ford s characters and story"Tom Stoppard, from the Introduction Tom Stoppard s BBC / HBO dramatization of Ford Madox Ford s masterwork takes a prominent place in the ranks of his oeuvre "Parade's End" is the reinvention of a masterwork of modernist English literature produced by one of the most critically acclaimed and respected writers working today Parade s End is the story of Christopher Tietjens, the last Tory, his beautiful, disconcerting wife Sylvia, and the virginal young suffragette Valentine Wannop: an upper class love triangle before and during the Great War "Parade's End" is a three-part drama, directed by the BAFTA-winning Susanna White, and featuring internationally renowned actors including Benedict Cumberbatch, Rebecca Hall, and Adelaide Clemens This edition includes bonus scenes which were not broadcast, an introductory essay by Stoppard, and a selection of stills from the production as well as photographs taken on location"

Abstract: The Victorian policeman would seem an improbable poet. Indeed, contemporary representations of bumbling, avuncular Bobbies and sharp but unfeeling detectives suggest a realm of experience distinct from post-Romantic conceptions of poetry as a product of refined genius. (1) Equally, perhaps, Victorian policemen seem temperamentally distant both from the nineteenth-century artisan poets who voiced social protest in verse and from the ironies of working-class music-hall lyricists. (2) Despite their apparent disconnection from what we now regard as the field of Victorian poetry, however, some late nineteenth-century policemen did write verse. They wrote, moreover, with an eye to expressing themselves as thinking and feeling subjects at a time when public perceptions of their work placed them as menials defined by appetite rather than affect, instinct rather than intellect. The poetry they produced was not remarkable for its quality; indeed, though the work documented here was dearly influenced by major mid-Victorian poets such as Tennyson, it is noteworthy as class-coded evidence of a struggle to be understood rather than as aesthetic achievement. If it is not destined for the canon, however, the poetry produced by Victorian policemen expresses clearly the ways culture mattered--and continues to matter--as a means of self-definition. This article reflects on the cultural work of poetry published by English policemen in a professional periodical, the Police Review and Parade Gossip, in the early years of the 1890s. In doing so, I focus on the sentimental, middlebrow verse produced by policemen as an instance of what Charles LaPorte insightfully describes as "poetic behavior." (3) In the published verse of late-nineteenth century policemen, I argue, such "behavior" affords insight into the ways that poetic expression functioned as a mode of identity formation. Poetic output not only identifies taste in this case, it also offers a cultural supplement to the economic and sociological factors that typically define one's class. In what follows, I consider why and how ordinary Victorian policemen chose to express themselves publicly in a manner seemingly at odds with the practical and economic concerns that structured their lives. The answer, I suggest, is that poetic expression grounded efforts to reshape class-coded perceptions of the policeman as a social subject, offering a basis for articulating a professional identity grounded in middle-class notions of merit and affective sensibility. The Police Review and Parade Gossip is not merely an accidental venue for publication in this context. Rather, this periodical frames the larger conversations and contexts that shaped specific acts of personal expression. Unlike earlier periodical publications focusing on crime, the Police Review and Parade Gossip (established in 1893) was concerned explicitly with the professional lives of policemen. (4) As such, it self-consciously explored work-related issues, helping to generate a sense of shared identity amongst otherwise unconnected local forces and offering a corrective to negative stereotypes of policing. Taking up issues related to promotion, hiring, discipline, wages, and pensions, the Police Review and Parade Gossip advocated for changes in working conditions for policemen across England. At the same time, it engaged in the related work of shaping a self-consciously professional, middle-class conception of police work. Though it shared common concerns with the contemporaneous movement for a police union, the journal situated policemen as middle-class servants of the state, rejecting the working-class associations of the labor movement. (5) Specifically, the Police Review and Parade Gossip's founder and editor John Kempster advocated for examination systems similar to those adopted by the civil service, for advancement based on demonstrations of individual merit, and for the desirability of self-culture, education, and professional development. …

Abstract: July 28 summons thousands to “Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba Day” in New York City. David Dinkins, as Borough of Manhattan President, issued the decree in 1988 for the “people of Harlem” to “honour” Bamba’s “outstanding achievement.”1 A Muslim cleric and mystic from Senegal, West Africa, Amadou Bamba Mbacke (1853–1927) founded the Murid Sufi Brotherhood in the late nineteenth century. The Murids grew to over 400,000 by 19582 and now boast over three million in Senegal,3 a place where their holy city of Touba has been dubbed a Muslim “Vatican.”4 In New York, their presence is quickly growing among the 100,000 arrivals from West Africa,5 and most claim Murids number in the thousands.6 While the proclamation designated a single day for the celebration, the annual event lasts just over two weeks and includes a series of rallies, prayers, breakfast gatherings, exhibitions, theatrical performances, and lectures at several locations including the United Nations. The cornerstone of these activities, however, is the Bamba Day parade, a long procession of African men, women, and children marching up Seventh Avenue from Central Park North (110th Street) to 125th Street. What makes this display so compelling is not the pomp and circumstance typically associated with these spectacles. There are no brass bands or sparkling floats; even the djembe or African drum is missing. Girls dressed in bathing suits twirling batons are conspicuously absent. Celebrities and hand-waving beauty queens riding in convertibles are nowhere to be seen, and major elected officials are likewise not in attendance. Even observers in the audience could not explain the reason for it. Most speculated it was “something African” but were unable to figure it out. Why, then, would the Murids continue to plan and organize a police-escorted parade for over 20 years that few spectators understood?7

Abstract: This article focuses on the practical effects of ethnology’s framing of ritual. It examines the attitude of Dutch municipalities towards subsidizing the annual St. Nicholas parade. Some are in favor, considering the parade an element of tradition. Others are opposed, arguing that the parade is a commercial activity. Because the parade, and much other ritual, has both cultural and commercial facets, the author encourages ethnology to design a more fitting, encompassing concept.

Abstract: The first school bands in the United States developed in residential facilities dedicated to providing a home and an education for delinquent, disabled, and orphaned children These ensembles supplied music for various events at the school, supported military drills, provided vocational training, and helped develop good public relations between the institutions and their communities Early examples include bands at the New York Institute for the Blind (1836), the Boston Asylum and Farm School for Indigent Boys (1857), the Chicago Reform School (1862), and the New York Soldiers' Orphans' Home (1873) (1) Several private and parochial schools also sponsored bands in the mid-1800s, including the Christian Brothers' Academy (circa 1865) and the Holy Family School for Boys (circa 1869) in Chicago, and St Gabriel's Grammar School and the Italian School in New York City (circa 1870) (2) Bands did not appear in the public schools of the United States until the late 1800s, when high school students organized instrumental groups to support the home team at athletic events and other interscholastic competitions These bands were extracurricular in that they rehearsed outside of the instructional day and did not receive academic credit or funding from the Board of Education Although students often served as directors, it was also common for the school principal or a local professional musician to teach beginners and conduct the ensemble In addition to supporting school and community activities, high school bands of this era often performed professionally to raise money for instruments, music, and uniforms, and occasionally to generate income for the students themselves (3) Some of the first public high school bands in the United States developed in Ann Arbor, Michigan (circa 1885); Denver (circa 1891) and Salida (1895), Colorado; Greenville, South Carolina (1893); Live Oak, Florida (1896); and Galesburg and Pontiac, Illinois (1897) (4) A handful of public elementary schools also organized bands in the early 1890s to perform for patriotic celebrations, generate school spirit, and establish goodwill within the community In Columbus, Ohio, for example, bands at the Garfield, Front Street, Rich Street, and Spring Street elementary schools participated in processions and ceremonies honoring the four-hundredth anniversary of Columbus landing in America, held on October 12, 1892 (5) Two years later in New York City, a band from Grammar School No 54 performed in the annual Memorial Day parade and then accompanied the Alexander Hamilton Post of the Grand Army of the Republic to commemorative exercises at Woodlawn Cemetery (6) Although little information exists about these ensembles, some groups may have consisted of drums, fifes, and bugles rather than typical brass and woodwind instruments (7) Most bands during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were all-male organizations due to the military nature of the ensemble and the attitude that marching and playing a wind instrument were unfeminine and too strenuous for females Although several all-female bands existed during this time, the public generally considered these groups a novelty and bands of males and females together were rare (8) School bands followed suit until the 1920s when many all-male organizations began accepting girls This change in practice was likely in response to the evolving attitudes toward women in society (9) and the development of the band from a military-style marching organization of mostly brass into a symphonic concert ensemble that included a large woodwind section--instruments considered more suitable for females (10) Progressive Education Many of the first school bands in the United States led an ad hoc existence that depended on the interest and availability of students and leadership, and the need for music during athletic seasons, school assemblies, and graduation By the early twentieth century, however, many schools began to see bands as a means of meeting the diverse goals of the progressive education movement that began in the late 1800s and lasted until the 1940s …

Abstract: (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)At least according to a certain critical mythology, the Black Arts Movement begins about a month after Malcolm X is shot in February 1965 and LeRoi Jones changes his name to Amiri Baraka and moves uptown from the interracial, hipster Greenwich Village scene to Harlem to found the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School (BARTS). In his Autobiography (1984), Baraka describes a triumphal march into Harlem, a moment that has come to serve as a sort of symbolic origin of the movement:One of our first official actions was a parade across 125th Street. With Sun Ra and his Myth-Science Arkestra leading it . . . [w]e marched down the street holding William White's newly designed Black Arts flag. ... A small group of sometimes comically arrogant black people daring to raise the question of art and politics and revolution, black revolution!1Part performance art, part ticker tape, part revolution, this scene stages a complex set of questions, both historical and theoretical, with which the broader Black Arts Movement and its later critics would struggle. While the nationalist trappings of William White's flag, the vision of people marching in the streets, and the revolutionary rhetoric all frame the parade as a watershed historical event, Baraka's account still leaves open, as a "question," just how one gets from art to revolution, just what sort of revolution this is, and just how something like Sun Ra's "mythscience" could either substitute for or effect systemic political and economic change.If, in Baraka's account, the 125th Street parade places Sun Ra at the center of a scene that is at once national, communal, and revolutionary, an oddly similar scene at the end of Henry Dumas's story "The Metagenesis of Sunra" (written ca. 1966-68; first published 2003) imagines a parade of sorts that does, indeed, effect a near-total social, economic, military, and political revolution. Only recently discovered but probably written in the couple years between the parade and Dumas's death in 1968, the story relates the cosmic birth of the prophet Sunra, as well as his travels in various allegorically named lands among the "painted people" and their oppressors, the "Wofpeople." After a period of exile and wandering, the story ends with Sunra's discovery of an "ebony horn" that inaugurates the story's revolutionary climax in which the horn summons the painted people together to march on, and destroy, the Wofpeople. In its broadest strokes, the story seems to be a near hagiography (and sometimes even ham-fisted allegory) of Dumas's friend and sometimes-mentor, writing Sun Ra as the beleaguered prophet he often claimed to be. However, in the nearness of the story's climax to the mythology of the 125th Street parade, "Metagenesis" serves as a sort of origin myth for the scene Baraka places at the symbolic center of the period of radical black artistic production that would follow, and the story likewise evokes an apocalyptic take on Black Arts' combination of historical, aesthetic, and militant desires. At the story's end, Sunra blows his horn, and[a]ll over the land, from north to south, the painted people - too hot to get near now - began to march. . . . Machines died in the air. An electric power plant reversed its power and the plant electrocuted and melted everything in range of it for ten miles. The ice mountain melted and the freezelines dissolved. Icelands faded, and panic went through the Wofpack. But it was too late. Sunra took panic itself and drove it into them.2In Dumas's story, the perhaps watershed, certainly vanguardist, but nevertheless quite local event described by Baraka becomes an apocalyptic myth of total revolution in which Sun Ra's aesthetics not only catalyze the spontaneous constitution of a people and a movement but also arm the people, accomplishing, in one blow, a total dissolution of economic, military, and governmental structures of power. …

Abstract: Engraved images of real secular interiors are rare before 1790. Even more rare are illustrations of nonroyal houses in which the domestic and parade apartments are depicted fully furnished, with portable objects that were actually in use. An illustration by Andrea Bolzoni (1689–1760) accompanying the publication in 1736 of a poem by Jacopo Agnelli (1701 or 1702–99) celebrating a grand festival given by Fortunato Cervelli (1683–1755), the Holy Roman imperial consul in Ferrara, on the occasion of the marriage of Maria Theresa of Austria (1717–80), female heiress to the Habsburg dynasty, provides an exceptional record of Cervelli's nonroyal suite of parade apartments decorated in a unique “chinoiserie” variant of the Rococo style. The actual decorative interiors represented were prompted by a special set of political and commercial circumstances designed to project the Habsburg interests abroad in the Papal States.

Abstract: This article is part of broader Master's research on the May, 18th Parade in Belo Horizonte (MG), a political-cultural event held as a way to celebrate the National Day of Anti- Asylum Movement. In order to know in detail the process of building this 'carnival-demonstration' it was held a participant observation by immersing the first author into organizing meetings of the parade. To map the data it was used theoretical and conceptual categories from the four dimensions of the Psychiatric Reform proposed by Amarante (2003), namely: theoretical and conceptual, technical assistance, legal-political and social-cultural. Through thematic content analysis, it was found that the process of building the parade brings contributions in all aspects of the Psychiatric Reform, working mainly as a space of reflection, it may be regarded as an important development of the Anti-Asylum Movement in Minas Gerais.

Abstract: The year 2009 was especially significant for Pittsburgh. The city had just celebrated its 250th anniversary with a year-long series of concerts, parades, and other public spectacles. Among these were renovations to the iconic Point State Park, the completion of the Great Allegheny Passage bicycle trail to Cumberland, Maryland, and a “Parade of Champions” at the Senator John Heinz History Center featuring the legends of Pittsburgh sports. City leaders saw in these festivities an opportunity for fostering “improved regional perceptions of Pittsburgh” and “defining a vision for our region’s future.” The marketing blitz paid quick and unexpected dividends when in May the Obama administration announced the community would host an upcoming G20 Summit. The president’s emphasis on “the green economy” meshed perfectly with the booster narrative of Pittsburgh as “a great poster child [for] economic transformation.” Combined with the Steelers’ Super Bowl victory and the Penguins winning the National Hockey League’s Stanley Cup, by the end of the year residents of the ’Burgh had plenty to justify claims that they were back from the ruins of deindustrialization. Though marked by less fanfare, 2009 also witnessed the publication of two fascinating books by the University of Pittsburgh Press that drew heavily on these same themes of economic and environmental transformation. Designed explicitly for an audience beyond the confines of the academy, Franklin Toker’s Pittsburgh: A New Portrait and Edward K. Muller’s edited volume, An Uncommon Passage: Travelling through History on the Great Allegheny Passage Trail , are also of importance to scholars for their insight into the process of community and regional regeneration in the postindustrial era.