TL;DR: The Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade provides an almost ideal opportunity for the ambivalent sexual tourist to experience the pleasure of the strange as mentioned in this paper, and it has been suggested that the parade has several liminoid features that enable these spectators to momentarily suspend sexual norms that would otherwise inhibit them from attending.
Abstract: The Sydney gay and lesbian Mardi Gras parade is one of the largest public celebrations of queer sexuality in the world today. This article seeks to understand the attraction of the Mardi Gras parade for heterosexual spectators who feel ambivalent or negative towards homosexuality. Drawing upon the concepts of 'the stranger' and 'the tourist' we suggest that the parade has several liminoid features that enable these spectators to momentarily suspend sexual norms that would otherwise inhibit them from attending. In this way, the parade provides an almost ideal opportunity for the ambivalent sexual tourist to experience the pleasure of the strange.
TL;DR: The Singkawang spirit-medium parade has gained such national attention that, in 2008 and 2009, it featured in the official "Visit Indonesia" tourist calendar as discussed by the authors, but the public celebration of Cap Go Meh 2008 was seriously restricted in Pontianak, the provincial capital.
Abstract: Since 2002, when Chinese New Year became a national holiday in Indonesia, spirit- medium parades on the fifteen day of the New Year (called Cap Go Meh ) have been growing in size in certain West Kalimantan towns, especially Singkawang. This parade in particular has become a major tourist draw-card. Referring to local history, Chinese popular religion and Hakka culture, this article applies a performance analysis methodology to dissect this contemporary phenomenon from religious, historical and inter-ethnic perspectives. It shows how the parades have become enmeshed in current inter-ethnic politics in West Kalimantan, as well as revealing the way that adaptations by the spirit-mediums involved demonstrate their spiritual commitment to their Indonesian homeland. Chinese communities the world over celebrate the advent of the lunar new year over fifteen days during which family reunions, and visits among family and friends, renew communal bonds. The final day is called Cap Go Meh . 3 Its night was traditionally marked by the firing of crackers and by ritual processions to scare the demons of bad luck away from the coming year. From this tradition there has arisen in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and other centres of diasporic Chinese life, larger-scale festivities that have become tourist draw-cards 4 . This article discusses one such processional conclusion to Chinese New Year that occurs in the West Kalimantan town of Singkawang, where spirit-mediums parade down the main streets, performing fearsome self-mortifications on sedan chairs set with knives and nails. The Singkawang spirit-medium parade has gained such national attention that, in 2008 and 2009, it featured in the official "Visit Indonesia" tourist calendar. Yet while this parade grew in national stature, the public celebration of Cap Go Meh 2008 was seriously restricted in Pontianak, the provincial capital. This article describes and analyses the contrasting experience of Cap Go Meh 2008 in these two West Kalimantan towns. The existence of such processions is still relatively new in Indonesia. Public celebrations of Chinese New Year, or Imlek, were banned during Suharto's New Order regime, from 1967. It was only in 2000, under President Abdurrahman Wahid, that they were allowed once more, a move that was re-affirmed in
TL;DR: Parades may be one of the most universal sites of what Michael Herzfeld calls "cultural intimacy" (Herzfeld 1997), symbols of cultural practices that in themselves may reveal parochially devalued cultural sameness, but that together create a collective sense of cultural value as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: There are few ritual events in which music magnifies the spectacle of nationalism more grandly than a parade. For spectators and marchers alike, a parade unfolds like a panorama in real time, exposing the nation and its symbols for all to see and hear, to review and remember. Past, present, and future are coeval, the sound of one band or float or collective of marchers fading in and fading out, enacting the very transience of history and its movable stages. I love parades, having spent my youth in the rural American Midwest marching up and down the streets of the United States and Canada, holding forth on an instrument rather badly suited for my local marching band, the French horn.2 Parades may well be one of the most universal sites of what Michael Herzfeld calls ‘cultural intimacy’ (Herzfeld 1997), symbols of cultural practices that in themselves may reveal parochially devalued cultural sameness, but that together create a collective sense of cultural value. As performance, parades, above all ...
TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of African-American second-line parades in New Orleans and an autoethnography of the first major post-Katrina parade is presented.
Abstract: This article is an analysis of African-American second-line parades in New Orleans and an autoethnography of the first major post-Katrina parade. At a moment of crisis, The Prince of Wales Social Aid and Pleasure Club raised funds to sponsor its annual parade and help rejuvenate local cultural spirit. The article defines a weekly second-line parade as a “mobile block party,” a four-hour and five-mile long community celebration that carnivalizes and colonizes the public sphere. For more than a century, brass bands have created a mobile musical platform for cultural affirmation, dance, style, self-expression, cooking, public grievance and ethnic customs. The club-sponsored second-line parade is the social institution that carries the Black cultural matrix which has always enculturated the city's jazz musicians, as shown in testimony from Louis Armstrong and Sidney Bechet. The article argues that the repression of these parades post-Katrina—and the lack of recognition for its cultural importance and continuity—constitutes “aesthetic racism.”
TL;DR: Paul Poiret's autobiography as mentioned in this paper tells the extraordinary story of the meteoric rise of a draper's son to the 'King of Fashion' from his humble Parisian childhood to his debut as a couturier, to his experiences during the First World War.
Abstract: Paul Poiret's autobiography tells the extraordinary story of the meteoric rise of a draper's son to the 'King of Fashion' From his humble Parisian childhood to his debut as a couturier, to his experiences during the First World War, Poiret reveals all in this captivating tale His artistic flair, coupled with his remarkable and highly original cutting skills, enabled him to translate the spirit of Art Deco into revolutionary garments and his memoirs bring this astonishing period to life An astute businessman, Poiret describes the expansion of his fashion empire to encompass furniture, decor and the first designer perfume and evocatively recounts the extravagant Oriental garden parties at which his guests would parade his latest creations
TL;DR: Foster et al. as discussed by the authors published a book with the same title, called "The Book Thief: A Novel". Author: Michael Dylan Foster Publisher: University of California Press and ISBN: 978-0-520-25361-2 (hard cover).
Abstract: Reviewed Medium: book
Authors: Michael Dylan Foster
Year: 2008
Pages: 312
Publisher: University of California Press
ISBN: 978-0-520-25361-2 (hard cover). Prices: 978-0-520-25362-9(hard cover).
TL;DR: This paper examined three performances on display over the Memorial Day weekend in Beaufort, South Carolina, in 2004: the Gullah Festival's final ceremony of ancestral remembrance, the historical map offered visitors, and the parade and memorial service sponsored by the city on Memorial Day.
Abstract: This article explores the tension between place, space, and memory as they relate to the trans-Atlantic slave trade and are enacted in the arena of tourism. Tourism seeks to produce an appealing, easily narrativized experience that distinguishes one locale from another, thereby attracting tourist dollars, but that project is destabilized when visitors choose to remember outside normative categories. This article scrutinizes three performances on display over the Memorial Day weekend in Beaufort, South Carolina, in 2004: the Gullah Festival’s final ceremony of ancestral remembrance, the historical map offered visitors, and the parade and memorial service sponsored by the city on Memorial Day. At issue are questions of the performance of locality or a regional, black diaspora identity (Gullah-Geechee) in problematic relationship to an American identity. The waterside Gullah ceremony locates participants in a particular place while also inviting them to the undefined space connecting the living and the depar...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the use of the identification parade as a technique for the identification of suspects and proposed new ideas on how identification parades should be conducted with the view to enhancing the performance of police investigators.
Abstract: This study explores the utilisation of the identification parade as a technique for the identification of suspects. The intention of the study is to empower the investigators with knowledge they can use during their investigations. An identification parade is the most common police identification procedure. When conducted properly, it is considered more accurate than other methods.
Crime in South Africa is a serious concern and it impacts negatively on many lives. The fear of crime, the loss of life and the socioeconomic impact of crime, etc., create the impression that the battle against crime has been lost. The limited knowledge among the police investigators contributes to making the reduction of crime more difficult to achieve.
This study aims to develop good practice by recommending new ideas on how identification parades should be conducted with the view to enhancing the performance of police investigators.
TL;DR: In this article, a field experiment was conducted to compare the experiences of participant-witnesses attending both a video and a live identification parade, and participants judged attending the live parade to have been more stressful than the video parade.
Abstract: Recent amendments to the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 of England and Wales, allow video identification parades to be employed as the primary mechanism to collect identification evidence. One important difference between the video procedure and the more established live identification parade is that the video procedure does not require the witness to come face to face with the perpetrator, and this may therefore reduce any stress experienced by the witness. A field experiment was conducted to compare the experiences of participant-witnesses attending both a video and a live identification parade. Approximately 70 per cent of participant-witnesses judged attending the live parade to have been more stressful than the video parade. However, analysis of responses to a mood adjective checklist revealed no statistically significant differences in the stress or arousal experienced after attending the live and the video parade. In relation to video parades, participant-witnesses who believed that the perp...
TL;DR: In 1951, the New South Wales Minister for Education made a public appeal to parents to take their children to see the Sydney street parade in celebration of the Jubilee of the 1901 Federation of Australia as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In January 1951, the New South Wales Minister for Education made a public appeal to parents to take their children to see the Sydney street parade in celebration of the Jubilee of the 1901 Federation of Australia. The Minister referred to the various discrete histories on passing floats as “stories in motion from the pages of Australian History books.”1 These stories both physically and metaphorically traversed wide areas of New South Wales over several weeks. As a way of including regional areas in a more national celebration of Australian history, reenactments of inland explorers were chosen over the usual fare of Captain Cook and Governor Phillip, the traditional—and Sydney based—origin figures of Australian history. Retracings of the 1830 journey by Charles Sturt across south-west New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia, and the 1813 crossing of the Blue Mountains just west of Sydney, were enthusiastically conceived, and proved to be just as enthusiastically received, by a rural Australia that did not usually figure in celebrations of national origin.
TL;DR: This article used the controversial 2008 Belfast homecoming parade of local men and women in the British armed services as a case study to examine the mechanisms at work picking away at inter-communal trust, and the speed and persistence of their application.
Abstract: This article uses the controversial November 2008 Belfast homecoming parade of local men and women in the British armed services as a case study to examine the mechanisms at work picking away at inter-communal trust, and the speed and persistence of their application, a defining characteristic of these mechanisms. The article conceptualises trust partially by reference to social capital, and closely examines how issues of post-conflict memory and contested space intersected and damaged nascent networks of inter-community trust. The article will also tentatively suggest means by which such cultural conflicts can be allowed to combust without ripping away grassroots trust and threatening civil disorder.
TL;DR: The placards are commonly described as tabulae ansatae, but were, as is argued, rather tituli, that is placards used for short notes of contents as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This paper examines the written placards that formed part of the Roman triumphal procession. The placards are commonly described as tabulae ansatae, but were, as is argued, rather tituli, that is placards used for short notes of contents. Based on a passage in Ovid, the article holds that the information advertised on the placards could be categorised as causae et res et nomina, causes for the display, objects paraded, and names of peoples and personifications. It is also argued that the placards in their very presence implied Roman conquest, in that they preceded «others» on parade, who were forced to walk behind and under labels that announced their identity and explained their misdeeds. Also, the tituli were written in Latin, hence implying a cultivated viewer who was able to read and acknowledge the display.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compare the Israeli Supreme Court's rhetoric concerning the petitions filed against the Pride Parade in Jerusalem in 2006-2008, as opposed to its rhetoric in the short opinion it handed down concerning the extreme right's petition to have their march in Umm al-Fahm approved (in February 2009).
Abstract: This paper (in Hebrew) compares the Israeli Supreme Court's rhetoric concerning the petitions filed against the Pride Parade in Jerusalem in 2006-2008, as opposed to its rhetoric in the short opinion it handed down concerning the extreme right's petition to have their march in Umm al-Fahm approved (in February 2009) While the Court carefully considered all the pros and cons with respect to the Pride Parades in Jerusalem (such as freedom of speech v offending the religious population of the city), it treated the extreme right parade in the Israeli-Arab town of Umm al-Fahm as a simple case, issuing a short decision which concerns only issues of timing of the march, and ignoring the dilemmas of freedom of speech and the provocation this march was meant to stir In the paper I provide some explanations for the discrepancy between the Courts' rulings
TL;DR: Walkowitz's writing on critical cosmopolitanism (actions characterized by selfreflection, aversion to heroic tones of appropriation and progress, and a suspicion of epistemological privilege) frames the discussion of the 1917 Ballets Russes production of Parade as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: This essay considers the ways in which the 1917 Ballets Russes production of Parade functioned as a critical commentary on society and the social order. Rebecca L. Walkowitz’s writing on “critical cosmopolitanism” (actions characterized by selfreflection,aversion to heroic tones of appropriation and progress, and a suspicion of epistemological privilege) frames the discussion. Popular entertainment and avant-garde art, together with the techniques of vertigo, flânerie, and the representation of exoticism and of identity more generally, reveal that Parade’s authors (Cocteau, Massine, Picasso, and Satie) constructed a critically cosmopolitan, modernist entity. This adds a further dimension to the understanding of Parade, a work that also figures prominently in the dawning of realist ballet and that led to the first appearance of the term surrealism
TL;DR: In 2007, along with the usual Irish school children, tidy town pageants, and Irish American marching bands which have dominated the parade since its inception in 1996, more than 650,000 spectators came out to see Brazilian samba bands, African drummers, and a host of Irish and immigrant community groups.
Abstract: The Dublin St Patrick’s Day Festival Parade conjures in the popular imagination images of green-clad participants, groups of Irish dancers, and marching bands giving a performance of imagined Irishness. In 2007, however, along with the usual Irish school children, tidy town pageants, and Irish American marching bands which have dominated the parade since its inception in 1996,1 650,000 spectators came out to see Brazilian samba bands, African drummers, and a host of Irish and immigrant community groups. The Dublin City Council and St Patrick’s Festival City Fusion 2007 pageant, Citychange, addressed ‘the challenges faced and contributions made by the new citizens from all corners of the globe to the city.’2 The cultural diversity amongst participants was evidence of the Festival organizers’ aim to increase the presence of the ‘New Ireland’ in its parade.
TL;DR: From a float decorated as their ibis-headed Egyptian namesake, tarboosh-topped members of the Krewe of Thoth toss trinkets to happy throngs along St. Charles Avenue in New Orleans as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: From a float decorated as their ibis-headed Egyptian namesake, tarboosh-topped members of the Krewe of Thoth toss trinkets to happy throngs along St. Charles Avenue in New Orleans. The occasion is Mardi Gras—not a day but a season in this legendary American city. Along with Thoth parade the krewes (social clubs) of Babylon, Isis, and Cleopatra, among others, the last group winding through Algiers, the second-oldest neighborhood in New Orleans, on the west bank of the Mississippi across from the French Quarter.
TL;DR: The 1920 St. Patrick's Day Parade in New York was notable for a number of reasons, including the size of the crowd that watched it and the number of participants as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The 1920 Saint Patrick’s Day parade in New York was noteworthy for a number of reasons. The first was the size of the crowd that watched it. The New York Times commented on ‘what appeared to be the biggest turnout since the city had a St. Patrick’s Day,’ observing that there was not an unoccupied inch of sidewalk along the line of march on Fifth Avenue. The Irish World and Industrial Liberator estimated that one million spectators watched the parade.
TL;DR: The Parade is a key element in ensuring that this community remains visible and conspicuous by virtue of its size, its demonstrable organisational capability and its political and market power as mentioned in this paper, and it is accepted that the imperatives of conspicuousness may have changed over time but that the official and accepted celebration reinforces distant (and unsustainable) stereotypes whilst consciously distancing the group from more recent immigrants and overtly demonstrating its importance in contemporary American culture, politics and public order.
Abstract: St. Patrick’s Day is an interesting exemplar of an internationally celebrated National Day. Such has been the influence of Irish immigration and cultures throughout the world, that celebrations of Irishness on 17th March take place across the globe — in some cases with far greater spectacle than observance of the Day in the Republic of Ireland itself. This paper reviews St. Patrick’s Day, a ‘national day’ for those of Irish descent and in Ireland itself, as it is observed in the official, City sponsored Parade in New York City. It is concerned specifically with the version of ‘Irishness’ that is on display at the Parade — whether in the overt elements of the event itself, or in the ‘back of house’ arrangements for the delivery of it. It is argued that the Parade is a key element in ensuring that this community remains visible and conspicuous by virtue of its size, its demonstrable organisational capability and its political and market power. It is accepted that the imperatives of conspicuousness may have changed over time but that the ‘official’ and accepted celebration reinforces distant (and unsustainable) stereotypes whilst consciously distancing the group from more recent immigrants and overtly demonstrating its importance in contemporary American culture, politics and public order.
TL;DR: In this paper, the Euro Mayday Parade against precarity is considered from the point of view of those working with short-term contracts and insecure employment, and new meanings related to specific issues and seek visibility for them in the public sphere are elaborated.
Abstract: Introduction While engaging in protest activities, social movements elaborate new meanings related to specific issues and seek visibility for them in the public sphere. In the case study presented in this paper, for instance, Italian activist groups sustaining the Euro Mayday Parade against precarity elaborated new meanings related to the concept of “labour market flexibility” considered from the point of view of those working with short-term contracts and insecure employment. The creation of new meanings related to the (contentious) issue in question was a long-lasting process, which began before activist groups went in the streets to protest and claim for better working and living conditions. During assemblies and preparatory meetings, indeed, activist groups collectively defined what labour market flexibility meant in the daily lives of workers. Due to repeated negotiated interactions among activists, complex definitions of the social problem that labour market flexibility brought with it emerged. In a nutshell, activist groups involved in the Euro Mayday Parade labelled the social problem “precarity” and named those workers experiencing it “precarious workers”. Together with other protest events concerning precarity, the Euro Mayday Parade attempted to render visible in the public sphere the existence of precarious workers and the social inequalities they experienced due to their short-term contracts. They interpreted labour market flexibility in a different way than other political actors, among which left-wing and right-wing political parties and, also, traditional trade unions, did. While engaging in protest activities, therefore, activist groups involved in the preparation of the Euro Mayday Parade also engaged in a continuous process of sense-making that lead to the creation and visibility of new system of meanings related to labour market flexibility.
TL;DR: The Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade is one of the largest public celebrations of queer sexuality in the world today as discussed by the authors, and the attraction of the Mardi gras parad...
Abstract: The Sydney gay and lesbian Mardi Gras parade is one of the largest public celebrations of queer sexuality in the world today. This article seeks to understand the attraction of the Mardi Gras parad...
TL;DR: Sure, here is the TLDR: The text describes the life of George Cheyne, a Scottish physician who became known for his excessive weight and his practice as a diet doctor.
Abstract: Abstract George Cheyne was a Scottish physician, one of a parade of ambitious and talented young men who had moved south to make their fortune around the time of the 1707 Act of Union between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland. A wit and initially something of a wastrel, Cheyne had sought to build his practice among the socially superior by hanging around the London coffee houses, flattering his would-be customers, polishing his credentials as a modern follower of Newtonian notions, and eating and drinking himself to a gargantuan size. More than 32 stone, or almost 450 pounds at his peak fighting weight, Cheyne grew so corpulent that he could barely move, and so naturally set himself up as a diet doctor. Affluence and luxury, after all, set loose the appetites, and excess exacts a predictable price in expanding waistlines and that quintessential eighteenth-century disease, gout.