Abstract: Title of Thesis: THE PERSISTENT POGONI AT THE VICTORY PARADE OF 1945: STALIN’S CHOICE TO COSTUME THE SOVIET PRESENT IN THE UNIFORMS OF THE IMPERIAL PAST Paul Dunford, Master of Arts, 2008 Thesis Directed by: Professor Catherine Schuler Department of Theatre The military uniform in which the Imperial Army of Tsar Nicholas II marched westwards toward its disastrous confrontation with that of his cousin Kaiser Wilhelm II was the culmination of three hundred years of dress reform on the part of the Romanovs. Each of the dynasty’s emperors and empresses imparted their own particular stylistic mark on the uniform; it in turn was symbolic of that ruler’s reign and communicated a complex package of political, cultural, and social messages. The uniform of 1914 was symbolic of the uneasy reign of Nicholas II and it was therefore a natural target for the Bolshevik revolutionaries who physically tore them apart. Yet when Stalin sent the Red Army west to meet Hitler’s Wehrmacht his soldiers were dressed in a uniform nearly identical to that which had been ravaged and reviled over two decades prior. By 1941 Stalin transformed the uniform of Imperial Russia into that of Soviet Russia, even though the political and cultural life of these two periods stood in stark contrast to each other in many ways. This highly successful transformation will be examined through application of an adaptation of the theories of stage semiotics. THE PERSISTENT POGONI AT THE VICTORY PARADE OF 1945: STALIN’S CHOICE TO COSTUME THE SOVIET PRESENT IN THE UNIFORMS OF THE IMPERIAL PAST

Abstract: A t 7:30 on a Saturday evening in March 1956, the first author sat down in an easy chair in the living room of his parents’ farm home ten miles east of Salem, Oregon, and turned the TV channel knob to NBC’s Your Hit Parade to find out the Top Seven Songs of the week, as determined by a national “survey” and sheet music sales. Little did this teenager know that almost exactly twenty years later, he would be at Trinity College, Cambridge, to discover one of the biggest “hits” in mathematical history, Ramanujan’s Lost Notebook. Meanwhile, at that same hour on that same Saturday night in Stevensville, Michigan, but at 9:30, the second author sat down in an overstuffed chair in front of the TV in his parents’ farm home anxiously waiting to learn the identities of the Top Seven Songs, sung by Your Hit Parade singers, Russell Arms, Dorothy Collins (his favorite singer), Snooky Lanson, and Gisele MacKenzie. About twenty years later, that author’s life would begin to be consumed by Ramanujan’s mathematics, but more important than Ramanujan to him this evening was how long his parents would allow him to stay up to watch Saturday night wrestling after Your Hit Parade ended.

Abstract: On 19 July 1959, over 200,000 people turned out along Ocean Boulevard in Long Beach, California to watch the city's 8th annual Miss Universe parade. Even more watched live coverage on TV (Ryon). At...

Abstract: Since the early 1990s, the American South has changed drastically and Siler City, North Carolina reflects those changes. Like larger southern cities, Siler City has received a significant number of migrants from Latin America in a short amount of time. New migrants, many but not all of them Roman Catholic, bring diverse sets of ethnic, cultural, and religious practices to a town traditionally dominated by Baptists and Methodists. One of the most visible examples of local religious disruption in Siler City has been the public display of Good Friday processions by Latino Catholics. That performance signified the presence of new migrants in downtown space. White Protestants, in turn, drew on the long standing ritual tradition of downtown Fourth of July parades to reassert their presence in that same space. Annually performed since 1901, the parades revealed a moral order based on the logic of southern Christian sacrifice. And the vitality of downtown parades indicated the political strength of white Protestants to maintain established order. That strength diminished with the local economic decline of downtown businesses in the 1980s and was challenged by the arrival of Latino migrants in the 1990s. The parades ended in 1988 but were renewed in 1997, the year following the first Good Friday procession in city streets. In the revitalized parade, white Protestants expressed nostalgia for a southern way of life and publicly remembered a time and place — downtown Siler City — before economic decline and Latino arrival.

Abstract: At the beginning of the year, a questionnaire for Video Identification Procedure Electronic Recording (VIPER) operators was distributed to all the Scottish Police Forces. This is the first archival analysis to be undertaken on VIPER parades and the results from the survey will provide officers with valuable information on the usefulness of VIPER for obtaining evidence from witnesses. The survey is nearly half way through and over one thousand completed questionnaires have been collected so far. The questionnaire focused on the demographics of the witnesses, suspects and also the behaviour of the witnesses’ whilst viewing VIPER parades. The questionnaires obtained so far have revealed that half of witnesses were male and the majority were under the age of 35, with over a third being vulnerable witnesses. When it came to suspects, the majority were male and also under the age of 35. The crimes that appeared to be the most common for suspects in the VIPER parades were crimes of violence. When viewing the VIPER lineups the majority of witnesses made a positive identification, that is picking out the suspect. In the analysis of witnesses behaviour whilst viewing the parade, the majority of witnesses appeared calm before viewing the parade, during the viewing and afterwards. The results obtained so far appear to show that the VIPER parades are a good medium for allowing witnesses to identify a suspect without the emotional stress of facing an accused in a live setting.

Abstract: The year 2006 marks the 150th anniversary of Mistik Krewe of Comus’s parade, in which hooded club members, born of New Orleans’s most elite families, paraded on horseback down crowded streets, founding Mardi Gras of New Orleans. Mardi Gras 2006, where exclusive clubs now parade on papier-mâche floats while throwing cheap charms to a crowd shouting “Give me beads!” also marks nearly six months since Hurricane Katrina claimed thousands of lives and displaced many more in its wake. Performing an intricate web of social unions and exclusions through the cultural costume of carnival, Mardi Gras 2006 manifested familiar tensions between tradition and change, where somewhere between the quotation of its past and the foreboding of its future lay the (re-)invention of the city of New Orleans, its relationality and politics, communities and power, which comprise, in their embodied performance, the city’s “agora.” The becoming of this agora—as it emerged at the intersection of the ritual of Mardi Gras; the orchestrated performance of Carnival rites; and the crisis, the critical social change, of Hurricane Katrina—is the focus of this essay.

Abstract: This paper examines Old Home Week Celebrations held in North Bay, Ontario, in 1925 and 1935 in terms of both tourism promotion and the public use of the past. Tourism promotion in 1925 reflected a booster attitude and the belief that North Bay would soon benefit from the construction of the Georgian Bay Ship Canal. In 1935, the nature of tourism had changed and the major promotional strategy used was to link a visit to the Dionne Quintuplets in Corbeil with travel to North Bay. In 1925 North Bay also celebrated its history, using a pageant parade, celebrated its pioneers, and turned the granting of city status into a public drama. The 1935 Old Home Week celebration, in contrast, lacked focus, but the decentralization of its organization created an opportunity for the French Canadians of North Bay and area to participate in the event to a much greater extent than in 1925 and to commemorate the 400th anniversary of Jacques Cartier’s arrival in Canada. This memorialization reflected their desire for a greater involvement in civic affairs and the monument they erected created a lasting symbol of their presence in the city. Old Home Week celebrations can be used to study both tourism promotion and the social order of the city.

Abstract: In recent years, Latin Americans have increasingly immigrated to the rural southeastern United States seeking blue collar jobs, particularly within agricultural industries. This photo series examines a community of documented and undocumented Latin Americans in rural Mississippi as they celebrate the Feast Day of the Virgin of Guadalupe. A traditional Mexican celebration grounded in the ideal of equality, the Virgin’s Feast Day takes on new significance among this diverse group of recent migrants as they struggle to get by in the small Mississippi town of Forest, where many locals—who are predominantly white and Protestant—exclude them as “outsiders.” In its new form, the Virgin’s Feast Day unites a multinational Catholic community of migrant laborers who are primarily from Mexico, Guatemala and Peru, but also include Argentineans, Brazilians, Cubans, Nicaraguans, Panamanians and Salvadorians. Participants in the Virgin’s Feast Day procession display flags from their home countries and the US, as well as an iconic image of the Virgin of Guadalupe as she appeared on the tilma (cloak) of Juan Diego. As overtly public displays of solidarity, the vibrant colors and call-andresponse cries of “iViva Guadalupe!” associated with the Virgin’s Feast Day procession are in striking contrast to the low-key and reserved religious expressions more traditional to this small southern town. The Virgin’s Feast Day procession begins at the courthouse square and winds its way through Forest’s quiet, nearly deserted streets for a mile, before ending at St Michael’s, the Catholic Church on the edge of town. Once the Virgin’s Feast Day procession arrives at St Michael’s, it is met by a large group of parishioners led by the priest. A band plays traditional songs dedicated to La Morena (the Virgin of Guadalupe) as the priest prepares to celebrate an outdoor Mass. Guests of honor at this public religious display include the adolescent girl who represents the Virgin of Guadalupe during the procession and the adolescent and young men who represent Juan Diego. Inside the church, an elaborately decorated altar to the Virgin is an additional reminder of La Morena’s message of equality, particularly meaningful for these Latin American transnational migrants making a new home in rural Mississippi.

Abstract: On 10 May 1933, on the Opernplatz in Berlin, just off Unter den Linden, German student associations staged an elaborate book burning ritual, the result of several weeks’ planning. Bolstered by uniformed brown shirts of the SA and marching bands, great ranks of students filed into the square in a torchlight parade. A carefully constructed timber scaffold full of books was set alight, as uniformed representatives stepped forward and proclaimed their so-called Feuerspruche (‘fire incantations’ or ‘fire oaths’), little planned speeches in which they attacked the books they held responsible for the collapse of Germany. The impresario for the night was the propaganda minister — and erstwhile novelist — Joseph Goebbels. In lightly falling rain he spoke of his hope that from the ashes of the pacifist, defeatist and un-German books that had been burned, the phoenix of the new Reich would rise. That night, and over the next week, similar events were held in university cities across Germany, most of which explicitly followed the model of Berlin by including marching parades, torches and speeches. These fires have since become synonymous with the barbarity of the Nazi regime, but such an understanding was by no means automatic, and the international response to the events tended to be perplexed, even bemused. Through studying the tone of many of these reports, this chapter assays the initial reactions to the German bookfires, and returns them to their historical context.

Abstract: In August and September 2007, the Centre for Battlefield Archaeology and Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division (GUARD) conducted a programme of archaeological investigation of the remains of the old fort at Fort William and part of the Parade in the town of Fort William on the west coast of Scotland The fieldwork involved geophysical survey at the fort and the Parade, followed by trial excavation of anomalies Trial trenches at the Parade exposed several rich midden deposits and material providing evidence for the burning of the town of Maryburgh, as suggested in contemporary accounts in 1746 The results at the fort were not so positive, as most traces of the garrison were removed in the 19th and 20th centuries through its use as a railway yard; however, a trench outside the fort suggests survival of midden deposits pre-dating this period of destruction This part-Heritage Lottery assisted project was a Highland 2007 initiative supported by Lochaber Community Fund and Highland Coun

Abstract: A parade of speakers last week gave the U.S. government failing grades for not heeding the recommendations in Rising Above the Gathering Storm calling for bigger research budgets, more undergraduate scholarships and graduate fellowships, changes in immigration policy, and an improved environment for innovation.

Abstract: A profession looks to its newest members for the future and at the American Academy of Optometry annual meeting in Tampa in October 2007 there was an impressive line up of candidate educator and research leaders at hand. In large part the early identification of the upcoming generation of educators and researchers has been made possible by the generosity of the profession and its industry friends through the American Optometric Foundation (AOF). AOF is experiencing dramatic and exciting growth and is an increasingly innovative presence in optometry. It supports education and research through a number of programs, and there were some interesting examples of how this impacts the profession that were quite evident at the 2007 annual meeting. The Carl Zeiss AOF Fellows program debuted in 2007 as a result of a creative and generous partnership of Carl Zeiss Vision and AOF. The program identifies one optometry student at each school and college of optometry in the U.S., Canada, and Puerto Rico, awards them a $5000 Fellowship, and brings them to optometry’s premier education and research meeting (the annual meeting of the American Academy of Optometry). It then brings them back the following year for a Fellows reunion and is funded by Carl Zeiss Vision. The Fellowship Awards are made by AOF using FAAO reviewer input from across North America. As AOF President Mark Bullimore, OD, PhD, FAAO noted, as he spoke to these Fellows, “People are still talking about meeting you all at the Academy Meeting. You were fabulous ambassadors for your institution and for the future of optometry. On behalf of the Foundation, the Academy, and Carl Zeiss Vision, I want to say how proud we are of your achievements and how excited we are about the future.” The program was the brainchild of Mike Morris of Carl Zeiss Vision working with the Mark Bullimore. Mike can be seen with his “inaugural fellows” in Fig. 1. This is likely a ‘class’ that yields star educators of the future; it certainly has tapped some impressive optometric talent. Another ‘team’ at the annual meeting was the AOF Ezell Fellows. These fellows are typically optometrists who have already made a commitment to an optometric career in research and discovery by working toward a PhD research degree. They are certainly the cream of the crop in terms of their successful competition for each Fellowship; for every Fellowship Award there were close to four top notch applicants! The Academy Research Committee, led by Gunilla Haegerstrom-Portnoy, OD, PhD, FAAO each year, reviews mounds of fine applications and seems more impressed each year with the caliber of those headed down this career path. They make impassioned pleas for increased support to AOF allowing funding of a greater number of optometry’s most talented and promising clinician researchers and research trainees. At the AOF Celebration luncheon in Tampa this Ezell team lined up with President Mark Bullimore and received the appreciation and obvious pride in their achievements from an overflow audience (Fig. 2). Attendees were impressed with the big jump in AOF support FIGURE 1. AOF–Carl Ziess Vision AOF Fellows 2007, with Michael Morris, OD and Fred Howard of Carl Zeiss Vision.

Abstract: March 16, 1930 was a dreary Sunday in San Antonio, Texas. It was raining. It had, in fact, been raining almost continuously for three days?a remark able occasion in what is normally a rather dry and sunny climate. Surprisingly, instead of dashing about under umbrellas or hiding away indoors on this rainy afternoon, much of the Mexican working-class community of San Antonio held a parade. Impervious to the inclement weather, hundreds of people gathered to follow bugles and drums, an honor guard, and a marching band through the rain to the train station because this, for them was a landmark day. Don Jose Joaquin Perez Budar, the archbishop and patriarch of the politically and religiously controversial Mexican Catholic Apostolic Church (ICAM), was finally coming from Mexico City to meet his followers in Texas.1 In both Mexico and in Texas, the schismatic Mexican Catholic Apostolic Church has largely vanished from historical memory. This all-but-forgotten movement, how ever, sits at the crux of many critical narratives in the history of post-revolutionary Mexico, and in the history of Mexican immigration to the United States during that same time. This article examines the popularity of the ICAM in Texas within the con text of contested national and class identities for the Mexican working class living in Texas. It also examines the relationship between the Roman Catholic Church in the United States and these marginalized, often impoverished, Mexican immigrants, par ticularly in light of changing demographics and the resultant shift in political power in local communities. In addition, this study argues that the Roman Catholic Church's antagonism toward the newly installed "revolutionary" government of Mexico nega

Abstract: The veteran journalist and author recalls the highs and lows of working with newspaper photographers in the past, and concludes: "The staff photographers of today don't sing or joke much. They are an endangered species in a world teeming with civilians wielding digital cameras and celebrity-chasing amateurs looking for a big score. Breaking news pictures are increasingly the work of passers-by while the reduced staff teams are edged off the prime pages. There's a growing tendency to print the by-lines of those who do get their pictures published vertically, which I daresay is all right if you're Japanese. It's sad. I fear the parade's gone by and the only ones left cheering are the bean counters who grubstaked all those years of riotous assembly."

Abstract: Biography is to history what the telescope is to the stars. It reveals the invisible, extracts detail from myriad points of light, uncovers sources of illumination, and helps us disaggregate and reconstruct large heavenly pictures. (2) A time of dynamic social change unfolded in Prince George's County, Maryland, during the 1950s, '60s, and '70s. This biography of LeRoy Battle, based on oral history testimony and practice, focuses upon the nature of music education in this rapidly growing, racially divided county in the suburbs of Washington, D.C. Battle's work as a music educator provides a framework, allowing the reader a glimpse of culture and customs at that time. Battle is an African American. He was born in 1921 and came to Prince George's County from an integrated community in New York City. Battle became a role model for students of his race and students of music education. He developed a music program that had a profound effect on his students and the surrounding community in Maryland of the 1950-70s. Battle retired in 1978 and twenty-seven years later, on August 27, 2005, former students honored him and his work by hosting a gala event. In attendance were more than 300 former students, relatives, and friends who still remember Battle's impact. This is the story of how he built a music program, trained youngsters, and reacted to life in a racially segregated society. Political and Social Milieu: Battle's Terrain In 1950, the roads leading to Douglass Junior/Senior High School in Upper Marlboro, Maryland, were lined with tobacco fields, the crop that made Upper Marlboro the colonial shipping capitol of the Chesapeake Bay. Upper Marlboro was and remains the Prince George's County seat. A courthouse and the law offices important to the county government face Main Street, where from time to time community activities such as parades occur. A highly developed social structure, maintained from colonial times, continued where "important people" hosted social events catering to lawyers, landowners, and merchants. Vestiges of attitudes prevalent at a time when farming was dependent on slave labor carried over into the twentieth century. At the county courthouse, "whites only" drinking fountains remained up to the 1960s. (3) At the time that Battle assumed his music teaching position in Prince George's County in 1950, these attitudes could still lead to blatant ridicule of blacks. He describes clowns in "blackface" at county parades: They would have these clowns in "blackface" and these whiskey bottles. All the firehouses had a group. They planned all this. You couldn't see a parade without seeing them making fun of blacks and all that. The guy'd be going with a checkered thing, shoes floppin', whiskey bottle with big X's on it. (4) This disregard for another person's dignity was not part of Battle's home in an integrated Brooklyn community. As a youth he and his family socialized with others in the adjoining back yards. Battle recalls times with an Italian neighbor, Mr. Sandorian: And I remember once a month he'd have his whole family and we'd have my whole family, my aunt, my mother and everything. We'd meet in the back yard under the, they had a big vine, a grapevine. They had big tables and all that. We would meet there. He would bring down, his family would bring down--that's when I first tasted olive oil in salad, you know, the ethnic thing that he would have. Lasagna and all like that. And then my aunt would fix the roast turkey. So, we'd have a good time out there. (5) There were other examples of obvious differences between life in New York City and in Prince George's County during the 1950s: The social life was very disappointing [in Prince George's County]. What I felt was not so much for myself, see because I played music and I was out and about, but for the students. …

Abstract: Frevo is a popular spectacle of Recife, Pernambuco, Brazil. Concerning the word “frevo”, three meanings were ascertained : 1) dance which is witnessed in the streets and dance parties during a carnival (Frevo as a street dance with characteristic steps is especially called Passo), 2) music which is characterized by its syncopated, violent and frenzied rhythm and 3) enthusiastic crowd which parades through the streets during a carnival. With these three meanings in mind, in this study the popular spectacle was examined from two points of view : 1) historical examination about the circumstances of Frevo's appearance in the streets of Recife's carnival and 2) analysis of Passo's steps (which are practiced at the pres-ent day) and performances. The first topic was examined by means of written materials which were collected in Recife by the author. The data utilized for examining the second topic were videotapes in which the steps and performances of Passo had been recorded by the author under the direction of Mestre Nascimento do Passo who was the leading expert on this dance. The video recording was held in Recife and Olinda in August, 2003. The eighty-six steps of Passo were classified from five points of view (which were found out by observing the videotapes closely) and the steps used by five passistas (Frevo dancers) in their solo performances were specified. The results of this study were summarized as follows. Frevo was appeared in the streets of Recife during a carnival early in the 20th century. It was considered that two social factors had had a great influence on its appearance. The first factor was a change of festival style in the street carnival (In Recife, after the 1850s, fancy dress parade gradually took the place of disorderly street carnival style called entrudo). The second was an large-scale influx of the black lower classes into the city of Recife as a consequence of the abolition of slavery in 1888. Carnival clubs which appeared successively in the 1880s and were called clubes pedestres impelled the residents of Recife to a new carnival diversion, that is, to make merry accompanying a parade of those clubs in large numbers. On that occasion, enthusiasm called Frevo appeared in the crowd. The mainspring which led the crowd to enthusiasm was music played by brass bands of carnival clubs. This music called marcha-polca (march-polka) was considered a principal source of Frevo as a music (There were two distinct points of difference between marcha-polca and Frevo : 1) presence or absence of the lyrics and 2) tempo of the playing). The roughs called capoeiras also accompanied the parade and practiced physical movements of capoeiragem (martial arts of African origin) brandishing weapons such as a stick or a knife (It was supposed that the abolition of slavery had made capoeiras' antisocial activities more lively). Concerning the appearance of Passo, a hypothesis was brought forward : to avoid attracting the attention of the police, capoeiragem was disguised as lively dance in the streets during a carnival (In the process of transition from capoeiragem to Passo, blows and kicks at other people and undisguised hand weapons disappeared). In this study, Passo was considered “a dance composed of various steps”. On the occasion of analysis of Passo, the effectiveness of this idea was considerably made sure (Mestre Nascimento do Passo had already applied the idea to his instructional method of Passo by inventing forty basic steps). As a result of motion analysis of eighty-six steps, five characteristics emerged : 1) two basic positions of Passo, that is, a standing and a squatting, 2) repetition of movement (which was found in seventy-three steps), 3) bilat-eral symmetry

Abstract: This book of ten essays is a breath of fresh air, a source of inspiration, a wake-up call, and a bold challenge for pastors, congregational leaders, and church members--both active and lapsed--who long for a new perspective, even a touch of creative irreverence. With an invitation to quietness and stillness, inner strength and resilience, audacious hope and insistent confidence, it welcomes those among the people of God who do not belong to a church or even name themselves as Christian. Yet it does not shy away from raising difficult questions. Howard Friend offers forthright, at times disarming, candor as he shares his personal pilgrimage of activism rooted in contemplation. Convinced that God still seeks to work in and through the church, Friend shows us where God is present--at times despite the church itself. In his opinion, the church needs to stir the pot, upset the applecart, and dare to welcome the new and refreshing. Yet Friend remains hopeful for and committed to the church, calling and equipping it to become its highest and best. Drawing on a range of stories from the Bible and his own lived experiences, Friend invites us to meet real people--pastors, leaders, everyday folks--who dare to dream a new dream, journey toward a far horizon, walk with tireless determination, and press on with awesome hope.

Abstract: This is an ethnographic study of the Mystic Krewe of Spermes, which does float construction and a parade for Mardis Gras in New Orleans. We compare spectacular and carnivalesque elements of the organization in its preparation for and enactment of the annual parade. We show that both system-maintaining spectacular theatrics and system-challenging carnivalesque protest govern the event, which at once leads to opposition and tension, as well as acceptance and renewal within the krewe and its local audience. We discuss implications for critical organization studies, and the importance of the krewe as an indigenous organizational form.

Abstract: This chapter argues that the novels of Ford's Parade's End tetralogy occupy a significant place in the development of "disenchanted" fiction about the First World War. The values of Ernest Raymond's patriotic Tell England are contrasted with those of C. E Montague's Disenchantment, providing a brief synopsis of the early 1920s response to the conflict. Parade's End is seen as introducing several key themes in to the post-First World War discursive field, including national identity, psychology, memory, and time. The presentation of these aligned with the formal aspects of the novel, allows it to push the boundaries of the readerly horizon of expectations. Frayn argues that Ford's readership, though moderately-sized, was influential from a literary point of view, and thus facilitated the reception of later, more vitriolic, criticisms of war.

Abstract: In the eleventh scene of The Cotton Club Parade of 1933, motionless before a log cabin backdrop, leaning against a lamppost, veiled in a dark blue spotlight, backed by Duke Ellington and his orchestra, Ethel Waters performed the song “Stormy Weather.” With this historic performance, which garnered no less than twelve encores on opening night, Waters introduced into black musical history a song that refigures some of our assumptions about the uses of popular music, the history of American standardization, and the staging of African-American modernism. In this essay, I pursue some specific iterations and inscriptions of “Stormy Weather” through key performances of it in the first half of the twentieth century: its first live performance by Waters and Ellington in The Cotton Club Parade of 1933 and its cinematic performance by Lena Horne and dancer Katherine Dunham in the movie musical Stormy Weather (1943). 1 As this discussion will suggest, “Stormy Weather” shows how an AfricanAmerican modernist impulse and racial critique could be posed, voiced, and circulated through the sounds, movements, and mises-en-scene of popular performance. Looking to these dramaturgical dimensions of “Stormy Weather” will reveal expressions of African-American modernism in some unlikely places: Tin Pan Alley standards, Cotton Club Parades, and Hollywood all-black movie musicals. “Stormy Weather” might seem to be an odd place to turn to consider the circulation and staging of African-American modernism. The popular standard, written by Jewish songwriting team Harold Arlen and Ted Koehler, was a product of American cabaret culture and the publishing industry known as Tin Pan Alley, the system of musical production, marketing, and distribution that worked to sonically exploit, discipline, and standardize the cultural heterogeneity produced by urbanization and modernization in the first three decades of the twentieth century. 2 The phrase “Tin Pan Alley” was coined around 1903 to name the loose collection of sheet-music publishing houses that employed composers and lyricists to write American popular songs. The growth and reach of Tin Pan Alley was part of the process of cultural homogenization that Alan Trachtenberg calls the “incorporation of America”: Tin Pan Alley songs

Abstract: Abstract On the same day as the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas (22 November 1963) the Council fathers adopted the Constitution on the Liturgy, Sacrosanctum concilium. It was formally promulgated on 4 December 1963. This document was not attempting to break new ground theologically. This had already been done in the encyclical of Pius XII, Mediator Dei, of 1947, which was occasioned by the early twentieth-century movement for liturgical renewal. This movement was particularly strong among the Benedictines in western Europe and is associated with the names of Prosper Guéranger of Solesmes (I805–I875), Odo Casel (I886–1948) of the Maria Laach monastery in Germany, the Munich-based theologian Romano Guardini (I885–1968), and the Austrian Augustinian Pius Parsch (I884–1954). The young Ratzinger was strongly in Xuenced by this movement. One of the first books he read after starting his theological studies in 1946 was Guardini’s The Spirit of the Liturgy, published Easter 19I8. In 2000 Ratzinger published his own work under the same title in which he reiterated Guardini’s central liturgical principles, but in the light of the liturgical problems of the present era. One of the chief concerns of the movement was to overcome the tendency of laity to regard Mass attendance as a form of duty parade. There was a concern that laity were not properly participating in the liturgical action which was taking place but had accepted the standing of spectators.