Abstract: So-and-so, such and such, him and him, there and there, then and then, her and her, that and that, until then and then! This style of expression seeks to describe and evoke something of significance, although it lacks an argument and makes no appeal to authority. It is a form of speech full of pronouns, demonstrative adjectives, and adverbs that reference no particular places, times, or persons because everything simulates everything else. It is the speech of Berlin's Love Parade, captured above by the poet Rainald Goetz in an article published a few days before the 1997 gathering, which ran under the slogan "Let the Sun Shine in Your Heart." Begun in 1988, when 150 people came together on a weekend in mid-July to dance techno on the streets of Berlin, within a decade the Love Parade had become an annual ritual, with the participants numbering up to one million,

Abstract: As one of the many tokens of its symbolic centrality in Roman cul? ture, the Capitoline Hill received the triumphator at the end of his ceremonial return to Rome. For centuries generals who had been granted a triumphus concluded the elaborate sacral procession through the city with a sacrifice at the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the god most intimately associated with this religious institution.1 The strongly local character of Roman cults made it nearly unthinkable to celebrate the solemn event anywhere else in Rome, but artistic imagination feels itself less bound by religious scruples. Two such ingenious revisions of the triumphal parade displace its endpoint to the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine Hill. Virgil imagines Octavian's great triple triumph of 29 b.c. taking place there, while other ancient evidence leads us to believe that the victor really proceeded to the Capitoline like countless imperatores triumphantes before him.2 The poet sets the celebration at the shrine of the deity credited with the victory at Actium, the shrine which Octavian built adjacent to his own house. The Palatine was becoming the imperial palace complex, the triumph a prerogative of the imperial family.3 When these developments had been fully realized, Nero in De? cember a.d. 674 staged an eccentric victory procession which likewise climaxed at Apollo's Palatine temple. As returning victor in the festi-

Abstract: When five thousand suffragists marched down Pennsylvania Avenue on 3 March 1913, a drunken mob broke up their parade. This article discusses the cultural significance of widespread indignation disc...

Abstract: In characterisitic style the Reverend Ian Paisley, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), suggested that the future of Northern Ireland lay in the right of members of the Orange Order to parade back from their annual Boyne commemoration church service along the Garvaghy Road, a predominantly Catholic, nationalist area of Portadown in County Armagh. Members of the Garvaghy Road Residents’ Group were holding a protest in the road against the parade. The service had been held during the middle of the previous day, a Sunday, and when the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) blocked their return route, the members of the Portadown District Lodge decided that they would remain on the road until they were allowed down. So began what became known as the Siege of Drumcree. There were violent clashes between the RUC and loyalists. Eventually, after mediation, an agreement, the nature of which is still contested, was arrived at to allow the parade along the road and back into Portadown. When the marchers reached Portadown, Ian Paisley and David Trimble, the local Ulster Unionist MP, joined the parade and held their arms aloft in celebration. Their message was that they had won a victory.

Abstract: The origins of political parading in modern Ireland are to be found in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The first noteworthy political parade was held in 1660, but though key dates on the commemorative calendar of Irish Protestants, which provided the occasion as well as the raison d’etre for parading, were inaugurated shortly afterwards, parading did not become an established part of the Irish historical landscape until the eighteenth century. Like the commemorations of which they were a feature, parades helped to sustain the Protestant interest by providing it with communal opportunities both to recall its distinctive historical experience and to affirm its attachment, in the form of a shared monarchy, to the British connection. They thus contributed to the maintenance of the distinctively ‘Protestant’ and ‘British’ aspects of the Irish Protestant interest’s identity at a time when commercial and constitutional grievances might have encouraged it to move in another direction.

Abstract: The Veiled Prophet organization has been a vital institution in St. Louis for more than a century. Founded in March 1878 by a group of prominent St. Louis businessmen, the organization was fashioned after the New Orleans Carnival society the Mystick Krewe of Comus. In "The St. Louis Veiled Prophet Celebration, " Thomas Spencer explores the social and cultural functions of the organization's annual celebration the Veiled Prophet parade and ball and traces the shifts that occurred over the years in its cultural meaning and importance. Although scholars have researched the more pluralistic parades of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, very little has been done to examine the elite-dominated parades of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This study shows how pluralistic parades ceased to exist in St. Louis and why the upper echelon felt it was so important to end them. Spencer shows that the celebration originated as the business elite's response to the St. Louis general strike of 1877. Symbolically gaining control of the streets, the elites presented St. Louis history and American history by tracing the triumphs of great men men who happened to be the Veiled Prophet members' ancestors. The parade, therefore, was intended to awe the masses toward passivity with its symbolic show of power. The members believed that they were helping to boost St. Louis economically and culturally by enticing visitors from the surrounding communities. They also felt that the parades provided the spectators with advice on morals and social issues and distracted them from less desirable behavior like drinking and carousing. From 1900 to 1965 the celebration continued to include educational and historical elements; thereafter, it began to resemble the commercialized leisure that was increasingly becoming a part of everyday life. The biggest change occurred in the period from 1965 to 1980, when the protests of civil rights groups led many St. Louisans to view the parade and ball as wasteful conspicuous consumption that was often subsidized with taxpayers' money. With membership dropping and the news media giving the organization little notice, it soon began to wither. In response, the leaders of the Veiled Prophet organization decided to have a "VP Fair" over the Fourth of July weekend. The 1990s brought even more changes, and the members began to view the celebration as a way to unite the St. Louis community, with all of its diversity, rather than as a chance to boost the city or teach cultural values. "The St. Louis Veiled Prophet Celebration "is a valuable addition not only to the cultural history of Missouri and St. Louis but also to recent scholarship on urban culture, city politics, and the history of public celebrations in America."

Abstract: The Australian Clerical Officers Association (ACOA) did a lot of early work developing AIDS policies for workers, and this was subsequently picked up by the ACTU. The union had activist members who formed a Gay and Lesbian Caucus within the union. The Caucus raised issues of work and family, and superannuation in the context of gay and lesbian relationships. These were taken up on behalf of the Caucus by Vicki Telfer, the union's State Secretary. The ACOA decided to participate in the 1994 Sydney Mardi Gras parade by funding a float and took the proposal to the state peak body, the New South Wales Trades and Labor Council. When it was raised at the meeting it was met by catcalling and jeering. However, the Labor Council Secretary, Peter Sams, supported the union, by then renamed the Commonwealth Public Service Union (CPSU) following amalgamation. This support was very important, because it meant that a general call went out to unions to participate in the float. Embracing social justice issues on behalf of lesbian and gay workers exposed unionists to harassment. Vicki Telfer was forced to get a silent phone number because she was getting hate calls, often in the early morning. But many CPSU members understood the issues of discrimination and prejudice and gave gay and lesbian workers a lot of support. The decision to support gay and lesbian workers came at a testing time for union officials as it coincided with a union election. Candidates' posters were defaced by scrawls saying: don't vote for them, 'they support poofters.' Union branches in other states were very critical, and alleged that the union's good name was being 'dragged through the mud.' Why support Mardi Gras? Why support this group and not others? This decision opened up the debates; the union leadership had to explain the grounds of their decision in terms of social justice, and address questions about why they were involved in what was seen as a 'side' issue. The CPSU took the stand it did because the officials and activists believed their members had rights to union support, and there was still much political work to be done. What, after all, was the point of being a progressive union if nothing was done on these issues? The Sydney gay and lesbian newspaper, the Star Observer, ran a story on the CPSU experience, praising its decision. Over the next three years, support grew. In 1995, the CPSU organised the early work for the parade. In 1996 it gave financial support and the NSW state conference endorsed the Executive's actions. By 1997 a cross-union committee was formed. In 1998, the parade entry, put together by three women, had red flags; the Union logo; placards calling for reform of superannuation, and for support for the Maritime Union of Australia. In the latter instance the parade provided an opportunity, ahead of the rest of the union movement, to show solidarity with that union's dispute with Patrick Stevedores and the Federal government. Other unions provided financial support: Australian Metal Workers Union (AMWU); Australian Services Union (ASU); ASU Airlines; CPSU; and the NSW Left Women in Unions Caucus. Unionists from a broad range of unions marched, demonstrating that many unions did have gay and lesbian members and members who supported these issues. …

Abstract: Annually, Ulster's Protestant loyalists parade through the streets of Ulster. These in-your-face demonstrations of power by the Orangemen have ignited violence each year, from 1995 to 2000. What physiological and psychological mechanisms preserve the loyalist parades, and incite the violence associated with them?

Abstract: It is one of the paradoxes of modern Irish history that the collapse of unionist authority in Northern Ireland was ushered in by the event held to commemorate the most historic event in its tradition, the annual parade held by the Apprentice Boys of Derry to celebrate the city’s relief from its historic siege in 1689. On the afternoon of 12 August 1969, as the final Apprentice Boys’ clubs were passing through the city’s Waterloo Place, missiles were thrown at the police and the marchers by nationalist youths from the nearby Bogside. This triggered rioting of such dimensions that two days later British troops had to be deployed in the streets of Londonderry and Belfast, fatally undermining the authority of the unionist-dominated Stormont parliament which had ruled Northern Ireland since 1921. These events were themselves unfolding in the context of a winter of demonstration and counter-demonstration which followed the banning of a proposed civil rights march from the predominantly Protestant Waterside area of Derry on 5 October 1968. By 1972, such was the subsequent pace of events as the Provisional Irish Republican Army mounted a campaign of growing intensity against the state, that the Stormont parliament itself was suspended by a British government desperate to find a way forward.

Abstract: In March 1915 an enterprising Berlin businessman contacted the industrialist Hugo Stinnes, one of Germany's greatest industrialists and merchants of heavy industrial products, informing him that people were already thinking about “the victorious return of our soldiers and the entry of the troops into Berlin and that places and windows in the best sections of Unter den Linden were already being rented out.” The gentleman in question was renting houses in the vicinity of the Cafe Bauer, which could hold as many as three or four hundred persons on their balconies, and the house he had in mind for Stinnes was “very luxurious and elegantly appointed,” which is why he was offering them to “the first families of Germany, so as to give them the opportunity to see this highly important event in German history from the best location and with the best overall view.” Nevertheless, Stinnes decided to forgo the opportunity to take his large family to enjoy the victory parade with the comment: “I consider this premature.” This was not because Stinnes had abandoned the “short-war illusion,” which probably still possessed most Germans, or because he doubted a German military victory. His big worry in early 1915 was not a long war but rather a “premature peace” in which Germany failed to attain the war aims he and a substantial portion of the business community and the German Burgertum (middle classes) in general deemed essential. The Germans' tenacious maintenance of these aims to the bitter end insured that there would be no victory parade and that the real estate agent in question would have to make his money some other way. Given the terrible housing shortage that developed during the war, there was no more reason for him to fear for his profits than for Stinnes to fear for his much more substantial ones, but the war aims movement locked Germany into the protracted war and policies that made the disasters of 1918 possible.

Abstract: Although Ford Madox Ford wrote Parade's End between 1924 and 1928, it is set in a period that begins immediately before the outbreak of World War I and that lasts until shortly after the war has ended. Parade 's End is a novel about military wartime experiences and the effects of war upon society. Above all, it is a novel about men and women, marriage, and sexual politics, with an emphasis on assertive women who threaten men and the institutions which they have established within society. While his experiences at the front during World War I deeply affect the novel's hero, Christopher Tietjens, both physically and emotionally, the war that really threatens to destroy him is the one being waged between the sexes. This war extends beyond the novel to the outside world. The extent to which women's issues affected all other aspects of the society at the time is succinctly put by Samuel Hynes:

Abstract: This article considers three poems from Rimbaud's collection the Illuminations - 'Parade', 'Angoisse' and 'Soir historique' - in terms of what they reveal about the poet's approach to the prose poem as a genre. In particular, it is the issue of poetic structure that is paramount here and how Rimbaud defamiliarizes his reader through an ongoing principle of discontinuity in the writing. There are pivotal moments in the microstructure of these poems as the reader is constantly challenged by reversals and reorientations. in the case of 'Parade' we find a very hermetic and ambiguous text that resists interpretation and one feels that the second paragraph of the poem stands in opposition to the first. There is a self-consciousness about the poem and the isolated last line "J'ai seul la clef de cette parade sauvage" only underscores its mystery. With 'Angoisse' we again find a poem that has no logical or linear development but rather is built on pulses and eruptions that are unfamilair and defy continuity. There are sudden gear-changes in tempo allied to a highly unusual deployment of punctuation and a structural instability throughout as each section takes its own direction. The finale is another unanticipated piece in the structural mosaic of the poem. Finally, 'Soir historique' is another multi-layered, chameleon-like text and a further exercise in poetic discontinuity. The early stages seem to lack impetus but this only leaves scope for the dramatic intensification in the finale of the poem and the dynamic volte-face that it presents. The pivotal word "Non!" at the start of the final section is revelatory of a wider pattern in these poems and it leads to a radical dislocation of the text. Finally, one might ask whether all these changes of direction in these poems are spontaneous or crafted, the product of a chaotic genius or of a presiding artistic intelligence.

Abstract: The heartening U.S. economic performance during the past four years has seemingly benefited everyone except those in the forecasting business. It has also presented a challenge for monetary policymakers, because they use forecasts in their policy deliberations. The problem, in short, is that most forecasters have regularly under-predicted real GDP growth and over-predicted CPI inflation. As an example, consider the forecasters surveyed in the Blue Chip Economic Indicators since March 1992. Each issue publishes a set of forecasts from about 50 individuals or organizations. Besides the well-known " Consensus " forecast, which is the average, each issue also contains the average of the " Top 10 " and " Bottom 10 " forecasts for real GDP growth and CPI inflation. Using the forecasts published in the March, June, September and December issues, it is thus possible to construct a series of one-quarter ahead forecast errors. Based on the smallest mean absolute error, the Consensus forecast for real GDP growth proved to be most accurate just 13.3 percent of the time (see table). In contrast, the average of the top 10 forecasts—the most bullish—was most accurate nearly two-thirds of the time. Although the distribution of the inflation forecasts was slightly more balanced, the most accurate forecasts were still generated by those who believed future inflation to be lower than the Consensus. Moreover, since December 1995, those who have predicted faster real GDP growth and lower inflation were even more accurate. For example, the top 10 forecast for real GDP growth was most accurate 80 percent of the time, while the average of the bottom 10 CPI forecasts was most accurate 60 percent of the time (vs. 7 percent for the Consensus). The recent apparent bias in the Consensus forecasts might serve as evidence supporting those who believe that the trend rate of productivity growth has increased in the 1990s—the so-called " New Economy " hypothesis. Assuming that adherents of the New Economy align themselves most closely with those who regularly predict faster real GDP growth and lower inflation than does the Consensus, it might be useful to give their forecasts greater weight. One way to do this is to construct a weighted average of the Top 10, Consensus and Bottom 10 forecasts for 2000. For this specification , the weights are the percentage of times the mean absolute error of each one-quarter ahead forecast was the smallest since March 1992. Using …

Abstract: Abstract Armistice Day 1918 Wasremembered BY most Americans with pride and joy. The great war was over, and America had triumphed over Germany. But for Mennonite farmer John Schrag and his family, Armistice Day was always remembered with horror. On November 11, 1918, thepatriotic citizens of Burrton, Kansas, decided that it was high time to show their Mennonite neighbor John Schrag that holding to the ancient pacifist faith and practice of his Anabaptist/Mennonite ancestors was not acceptable—not in America. Five cars full of local men drove out to the Schrag farm. They vandalized the farm and dragged Schrag back to town, where they demanded that he purchase war bonds. He refused because he said it would be the same as serving as a soldier. The mob grew ugly and demanded that Schrag salute the American flag and carry the flag at the head of their Armistice Day parade. Schrag quietly and firmly refused to cooperate.

Abstract: People gathered before the home of Allison Montana on Mardi Gras day this year as they have for the last fifty years. They were waiting for Montana, better known as “Tootie” to his friends, to appear in this year’s new Mardi Gras Indian suit. Tootie has been given the honorary title of Big Chief of the Yellow Pocahontas Tribe because of the beauty of his work. He is the “prettiest” of them all, and he will parade through the streets of New Orleans for one day only. Like the chrysalis that becomes the beautiful butterfly emerging from its cocoon for a few moments of glory, this year’s suit will be made, worn, put away, and a new one begun. This is the way it has been for the last forty-nine years. But this year is different. Big Chief “Tootie” Montana is retiring and it is his son who will continue the tradition that began a century ago. The son, however, will have to earn the title of Big Chief on his own as his father had done.

Abstract: Abstract Emma Gifford ‘s ‘romantic ideas ‘, so admired by her friend Margaret Hawes, were primarily responsible for her now encouraging Hardy to continue with his writing. She had literary aspirations of her own, an imagination of herself as the wife of a successful author, and doubtless a secret hope that the romance of a literary career would compensate in some degree for Hardy ‘s lack of a commandingly handsome exterior. Hardy himself, though susceptible to such encouragement, was as a prospective husband obliged to consider economic realities, and he could see no immediate alternative to the architectural work in which he was—in one sense fortunately, in another ironically—becoming steadily more experienced, proficient, and sought after. The beginning of 1872 found him in lodgings at 1 West Parade, Weymouth, still working for Crickmay, but just before Easter he went once more to London, to the Bedford Street offices of T. Roger Smith, one of the judges for the Architectural Association prize Hardy had won in 1863 and now busy with submissions to a London School Board competition for the design of new schools.¹ Hardy took lodgings with the family of a tailor at 4 Celbridge Place, a terraced block (now part of Porchester Road) a hundred yards or so from 16 Westbourne Park Villas, and was still enough of a churchgoer to attend service at St George ‘s, Notting Hill, on Good Friday, at St Paul ‘s Cathedral on Easter Day, and at St George ‘s, Hanover Square, the following Sunday, 7 April.²

Abstract: Abstract After the granting of its charter in 1600, the East India Company sent out ships to India every year with a view to establishing regular commerce. Music played a prominent part in these early missions, with consorts of musicians acting as diplomatic ‘extras’ to ambassadors, and lavish keyboard instruments being transported to India as presentation gifts to Mughal rulers. Having been granted the right to trade, the Company set up its first permanent settlement in the flourishing port of Surat, and this was followed by the opening of many small stations, to manage the so-called ‘country’ trade. It was difficult to sell European products in India (other than luxury goods to the European community there), and it was only through engaging in local trade that the Company was able to finance shipments back to Europe. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, the larger stations or ‘factories’ as they were widely known began to develop a musical life almost multi-cultural in character, which made prominent use of Indian dancers and musicians. On public occasions, such as the annual parade to mark the birthday of the sovereign, it was the practice to hire a full ‘naubat’. Only in the mid-eighteenth century did London officials begin to quibble over the cost of the elephants.

Abstract: Acknowledgements Abbreviations Maps 1. Drumcree: An Introduction to Parade Disputes 2. Northern Ireland: Ethnicity Politics and Ritual 3. Appropriating William and Inventing the Twelfth 4. Parading 'Respectable' Politics 5. Rituals of State 6. 'You Can March - Can Others?' 7. The Orange and other Loyal Orders 8. The Marching Season 9. The Twelfth 10. 'Tradition', Control and Resistance 11. Return To Drumcree Appendix 1 The number of parades in Northern Ireland according to RUC statistics. Appendix 2 The 'Marching Season': Important Loyal Order Parading Dates. Notes Bibliography Index

Abstract: As this quotation indicates, music is a prominent feature of most public parades. In Northern Ireland the flute and drum marching bands provide much of the noise and the colour at the numerous loyal order parades. They provide the rhythm for those who are walking and much of the entertainment for those who come out to watch. A member of one loyal order was clear on the importance of the bands for a good parade: ‘People come to watch the bands, they don’t come to watch a group of men walking in their regalia’. He contrasted the crowds that came out for the mini-Twelfth parades and the band parades with the few people who bothered to watch church parades. These were commonly accompanied by bands playing hymn tunes in contrast to the more raucous, secular music of the main parades. Marching in the parades is also a big attraction for the men who make up the bands: ‘You get a real buzz when you walk back into Belfast on the Twelfth and you see the crowds out cheering you’. One bandsman went further when he told me: ‘It’s better than sex’. Although his colleagues were clearly not convinced of this, belonging to one of the better bands does offer a certain status within one’s community and amongst one’s peers. Some of the bands attract a substantial following of teenage girls who walk alongside ‘their’ band throughout the duration of the parade, shouting for tunes, cheering and chanting and carrying the much-needed refreshment.