TL;DR: In this paper, the importance and benefits of capacity-building in these countries are emphasized and the advantages and disadvantages that developing countries have in the framework of space technology acquisition are briefly presented.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the attitudes of major space-faring powers towards space weaponization and argue that the idea of inevitability retains a prominent place in American, Chinese, and Russian perspectives on space weaponisation.
Abstract: Is armed conflict in and from space inevitable? In recent years a consensus has emerged that space has become increasingly militarized – in the sense that technologies placed in outer space are increasingly used to facilitate and augment traditional military activities. But actual use of weapons in or from outer space remains highly controversial. The aim of this article is to assess the attitudes of major space-faring powers towards space weaponization. Central here, the article argues, is the question of whether the weaponization of space and/or conflict in space (taken here to mean the occurrence of military conflict in outer space itself, or from the Earth directed at any systems deployed in outer space) is inevitable, and the extent to which the major space powers espouse this proposition. This article shows that the idea of inevitability retains a prominent place (although for subtly differing reasons) in American, Chinese, and Russian perspectives on space weaponization. What it is that is inevitab...
TL;DR: Contant-Jorgensen as discussed by the authors argues that the growing problems of space law cannot be solved by piecemeal engineering any more but can only be overcome through a "big bang" comprehensive approach for regulating space activities: Space traffic management (STM).
TL;DR: The authors used regime theory and the English School of International Relations (and particularly the social constructivist reformulation by Buzan in From International to World Society: English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalisation 2004) to address the question: Why have actors decided to cooperate on outer space issues, and what does that cooperation tell us about wider international politics and international society.
Abstract: This thesis uses regime theory and the English School of International Relations (and particularly the social constructivist reformulation by Buzan in From International to World Society: English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalisation 2004) to address the question: Why have actors decided to cooperate on outer space issues, and what does that cooperation tell us about wider international politics and international society. Rational actors have at times determined that it is in their interest to coordinate activity for outer space. This coordination has led (either intentionally or unintentionally) to the creation of international regimes, and those regimes have conversely come to exert influence over actors' interests and behavior over time. Processes within international society (such as the rise, evolution, and decline of international society institutions, and shifts between pluralism and solidarism) also influence - and are influenced by - outer space politics. The thesis focuses on five case studies: geosynchronous orbit, the International Space Station, Global Navigational Satellite Systems, the company Sea Launch, and comets and asteroids. Pre-existing outer space treaties ("diffuse regimes") have established basic understandings between states about governance over outer space, and implicit or explicit regimes have also evolved to facilitate coordination amongst actors on the specific issue-areas of each case study. The tools used by regime theorists help explain the development of these various regimes and the relationship between them; however, because of regime theory's relatively narrow focus (on actors' rational interests in specific issue-areas) it provides few insights into how outer space politics are embedded in wider world politics and international society. An English School approach expands the analysis and puts into perspective how the Space Race was mutually constitutive of Cold War pluralist international society, and how space cooperation and commercialization over time also reflected and reinforced globalization and cooperative international society. However it is extremely difficult to operationalize the English School in order to draw more specific explanatory conclusions about individual case studies. It is necessary to use both approaches together to develop a thorough explanation of actors' behavior with regards to outer space politics, as well as an understanding of how outer space politics relate to wider world politics.
TL;DR: In this article, the issues surrounding the weaponization of outer space present difficult security and diplomatic challenges to the United States in its relationship with foreign states, and several features of space weaponization account for these difficulties.
Abstract: : The issues surrounding the weaponization of outer space present difficult security and diplomatic challenges to the United States in its relationship with foreign states. Several features of space weaponization account for these difficulties. First, many space technologies have dual-use capacity, making it difficult for states to distinguish between defensive and offensive preparations or conventional and space weapons.1 Second, some defense analysts argue that space weapons are inherently better suited to offensive than defensive warfare since they are able to launch powerful attacks quickly but are vulnerable to attack.2 Third, due to insufficient situational awareness in space and poor "forensic" ability, the causes of satellite failures can be unclear, creating the potential for both anonymous attacks and groundless accusations of antisatellite (ASAT) attacks.3 Finally, as in many areas of foreign policy, states often send mixed signals regarding their true intentions in space.
TL;DR: The findings and recommendations of this report are presented here as well as some of the major implications of the complex decision-making involved in developing a coordinated international response to the challenge of protecting the Earth from NEO impacts.
Abstract: The Association of Space Explorers Committee on Near-Earth Objects (NEOs) and its Panel on Asteroid Threat Mitigation have prepared a decision program to aid the international community in organizing a coordinated response to asteroid impact threats. The program is described in the ASE's report, Asteroid Threats: A Call for Global Response, which will be considered by the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space in its 2009 sessions. The findings and recommendations of this report are presented here as well as some of the major implications of the complex decision-making involved in developing a coordinated international response to the challenge of protecting the Earth from NEO impacts.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present the feasibility of a LSS at the lunar Lagrange point 1 to be used as a gateway for mid-term lunar surface exploration missions or servicing missions to other destinations.
TL;DR: The first successful anti-satellite (ASAT) test was conducted by the People's Republic of China (PRC) on 11 January 2007, becoming the third country proving that it can destroy satellites in low-earth orbit (LEO) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: On 11 January 2007, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) conducted its first successful anti-satellite (ASAT)military test, becoming the third country proving that it can destroy satellites in low-earth orbit (LEO). This event raised international concerns about the worsening of the space environment and the potential of inspiring other countries to work on future hostile space activities. The artificial collision is considered to be “one of the worst manmade debris-creating events in history”336 threatening civilian and military satellites in the future and, possibly, accelerating the weaponisation of space. Over the long run, this could lead to a costly and dangerous arms race in outer space which might draw in other space-faring nations. China has long been an advocate of arms control in space and has criticised theUnited States, above all, for working on “weaponising space”. Within the Prevention of an Arms Race in Space (PAROS) talks at the Conference on Disarmament (CD) together with Russia, in 2001/2002 it proposed a draft treaty for banning weapons in space, though the January 2007 test event came as a surprise for many. Several questions have emerged from this situation: How developed is China’s ASAT capability? What does this event say about China’s technical and political intentions and motivations? How will other states and the international community react in the current situation? The paper examines the ASAT-tests, the Chinese explanations, the international reactions, and the influence on the debate on space security.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors suggest a new revolutionary method and installation for flight on Earth and into outer space, which can be used in aviation, space, storage and transfer energy and many branches of industry.
Abstract: Purpose – This paper aims to suggest a new revolutionary method and installation for flight on Earth and into outer space.Design/methodology/approach – Methods of electromagnetic physics are used for research and the theory of levitation vehicles is developed and its possibilities researched.Findings – It was found that levitation devices and electricity storage make a jump in aviation, space, storage and transfer energy and many branches of industry.Practical implications – Many projects were calculated using different versions of the offered AB engine: a small device for levitation‐flight of a human (including flight from Earth to outer space), fly VTOL car (track), big VTOL aircraft, suspended low‐altitude stationary satellite, powerful Space Shuttle‐like booster for travel to the Moon and Mars without spending energy (spent energy is replenished in braking when the ship returns from another planet to its point of origin), using AB‐devices in military, in sea‐going ships (submarines), in energy industr...
TL;DR: A high level of expertise in space policy and law is required to initiate and keep pace with the expansion of space activities, including those undertaken by the private space industry as mentioned in this paper, which is referred to those undertakings that are carried out with the use of several technologies for the exploration and utilization of outer space often for scientific, military, economic and social proposes within international and national policy and regulatory frameworks.
Abstract: A high level of expertise in space policy and law is required to initiate and keep pace with the expansion of space activities, including those undertaken by the private space industry. Space activities generally refer to those undertakings that are carried out with the use of several technologies for the exploration and utilization of outer space often for scientific, military, economic and social proposes within international and national policy and regulatory frameworks. Space policies and legal regimes determine the scope, nature, pace, possibility and development of space undertakings. Therefore, appropriate space policies and regulatory regimes, both at the international and national levels, are indispensable for the initiation, operation and enhancement of space activities. There are various regulatory models and approaches for regulating space activities, and for building capacity in space law and space policy. It is imperative to have the appropriate human resources and capabilities in the development and implementation of space policies and space legal regimes. This crucial requirement has been well recognized in the more advanced space-faring nations, but not to the same level in other space-faring or space-aspiring nations.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the policy impact of the Chinese test on the United States, especially on the U.S. power geometry, and concluded that the United Nations General Assembly passed annual resolutions on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space.
Abstract: China entered the field of space weapons with the successful anti-satellite test on 11 January 2007. National policies of spacefaring states commit to the principle of peaceful uses of outer space as enshrined in the Outer Space Treaty, but there is no detailed internationally binding regulation on anti-satellite weapons. Since 1981, the United Nations General Assembly passed annual resolutions on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. These resolutions call for negotiations in the Conference of Disarmament for establishing an internationally binding instrument about space weapons. However, the Conference of Disarmament is deadlocked. China's weapons test has changed the power geometry. This paper examines the policy impact of the Chinese test, especially on the United States.
TL;DR: Von der Dunk et al. as mentioned in this paper discussed the applicability of relevant rules of international space law to the specific case of NED's and any possible future actions to protect the earth against their potentially devastating impact.
Abstract: It may seem to be an obvious, instinctive distinction, the one between (natural) near earth objects and (manmade) space objects. However, the very recent proposal tabled by the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China for a treaty on the de-weaponisation of space apparently makes reference in this context to a prohibition to use or threaten the use of force against "outer space objects". Such varying use of terminology may raise appropriate concerns about the applicability of any such agreement, or indeed other present or future rules of space law, to the specific case of NED's and any possible future actions to protect the earth against their potentially devastating impact. The present paper represents an effort to clearly outline the definitional issues involved, in the hope of precluding any potentially stifling confusion about the applicability or non-applicability of relevant rules of international space law. Thus, the issue of the definition of 'space object' will be revisited and discussed in juxtaposition with such definitions as those of 'celestial bodies' and 'near earth objects', with reference to the applicability of relevant rules of international space law. 293 1. The definitional issue in perspective Incoming asteroids that threaten human civilisation have been subjects not only of Hollywood movies (Deep Impact, Armageddon) but also of serious scientific research. As a consequence, it is now generally assumed that the extinction of the dinosaurs some 65 million years ago was at least partially caused by a giant asteroid (presumed magnitude: in the range of 10 kilometres across) principally hitting in the area of what is now the Yucatan peninsula. 1 More recently an originally mysterious blast over the Siberian Tunguska area in 1908 turned out to have been caused by an asteroid of perhaps 40 meters across, exploding in the air at a few kilometres altitude. 2 Barring fantasy, however, little attention was paid to possibilities to actually do something about incoming asteroids. It is only since fairly recently, that developments in space science and space technology have made it possible both to predict with some accuracy (and sometimes decades in advance) whether an asteroid will come too close for comfort, and to undertake serious efforts to minimise the chance of actual collision with the earth. In this context, the Association of Space Explorers (ASE) has taken the initiative, by means principally of establishment of a NEO Committee von der Dunk in Proceedings of the International Istitute of Space Law, IISL 2008. Copyright 2008, Frans von der Dunk. Used by permission.
TL;DR: In this article, a review of international and domestic laws governing the weaponization of outer space (i.e., the deployment of space weapons) that are applicable to the United States is presented.
Abstract: There is no question that outer space is a national security priority for the United States. There is a question of whether outer space should be weaponized, and if weaponized, to what extent does the law allow this. This article seeks to objectively define the legal parameters of weaponization applicable to the United States. Those determining US space policy must have an objective understanding of the law if they are to make rational legal choices. Towards this end, this paper reviews certain international and domestic laws governing the weaponization of outer space (i.e. the deployment of space weapons) that are applicable to the United States. The existing law is analyzed within the context of the following four questions:* Does this law establish the legality or illegality of outer space weaponization?* Does this law limit the type of weapons that can be deployed?* Does this law limit the scope of weapon deployment?* Does this law impose any secondary considerations?Arguments governing legality or illegality of weaponization on the basis of moral or ethical grounds are not analyzed. However, the moral and ethical dimensions of space weaponization are important and should be duly regarded. This article concludes with a legal proposal for greater transparency in space weaponization activities and the establishment of a space weaponization dispute resolution mechanism.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a survey of the physical, chemical and biological processes in Earth's subsurface and their role in several interrelated energy and environmental issues critical to the world's security and economy.
Abstract: Humans have entered into and explored a wide range of environments, ranging from the deep ocean to the upper atmosphere and even outer space. But for the most part, the subsurface environment hidden beneath the surface of our planet remains enigmatic and directly observable only through limited points of access. Nevertheless, physical, chemical and biological processes in Earth’s subsurface are central players in several interrelated energy and environmental issues critical to the world’s security and economy. Leadership-class computing will soon be brought to bear on understanding and predicting these processes across a wide range of time and space scales.
TL;DR: The absence of binding supervision standards may become an impediment to future space applications due to three identified trends: first, the trend towards space commercialization requires active state supervision, second, the rise in environmental hazards requires minimal safety standards to decrease the harmful effects on space applications and third, space security requires identification of intentional acts and prudent measures to safeguard vital space applications.
Abstract: : The Outer Space Treaty established the obligation to provide continuing supervision of its national space activities by the appropriate state. The implementation of this obligation remains a matter of state discretion. Since this Treaty came into force the world has evolved to become reliant on space based utilities to enable the global economy and state governance. Today, space faring states are increasingly dependent upon the supervision practices of other states to assure its space interests as the attribution of state responsibility becomes more difficult to ascribe. Therefore, the absence of binding supervision standards may become an impediment to future space applications due to three identified trends. First, the trend towards space commercialization requires active state supervision. Second, the rise in environmental hazards requires minimal safety standards to decrease the harmful effects on space applications. Third, space security requires identification of intentional acts and prudent measures to safeguard vital space applications.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated international law sources for limits on space weaponization found in the laws of war and presented a more unified theory of the corpus juris spatialis as called for by Article III.
Abstract: Article III of the Outer Space Treaty applies the principles of international law to the territory of outer space. This paper investigates international law sources for limits on “space weaponization” found in the laws of war. Through analysis of both customary and treaty made limitations on space weapons, the paper presents a more unified theory of the corpus juris spatialis as called for by Article III. Furthermore, definition of these limits allows for a more focused debate on “space weaponisation.”
TL;DR: In this article, the authors proposed a legal system to regulate the relations of countries and non-state actors in outer space, which is necessary and urgent to improve the existing legal system.
Abstract: One important feature of China's outer space policy is to carry out cooperation with all countries. In the cooperation, China pays great attention to the rights and demands of developing countries in the high-technology area. With more actors in outer space, it is necessary and urgent to improve the existing legal system regulating the relations of countries and non-state actors. China's attitude to outer space activities is driven by both domestic and international elements. Development, defence, and technological innovation are the three major goals of China's outer space programmes.
TL;DR: The U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space has worked over the past decade to establish international standards for the development and safe operation of nuclear-powered spacecraft as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The 53 member of the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space have worked over the past decade to establish international standards for the development and safe operation of nuclear‐powered spacecraft. Progress has been slow in coming, reflecting the technical complexity of the issue and the deep and pervasive international concern with the hazards of unplanned re‐entries; however, the Cosmos‐1900 incident in 1988 generated a renewed interest in bringing the debate to closure as soon as possible. Since that time, significant progress has been made toward developing a set of non‐binding international principles on space nuclear power. For the purposes of this paper, the authors, all of whom represent the U.S. in these negotiations, will trace the progress made to data and where the discussions are headed in the future.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors review the major legal challenges facing corporate expansion into outer space, particularly United States and international space law, and provide an evaluation of “laissez-faire” proposals for human expansion into space and their impact on future space society.
Abstract: The monopoly on human spaceflight has been held by a handful of governments and their space programs for over the last fifty years. With the successful launch of Scaled Composite’s SpaceShipOne, corporations may soon be able to take advantage of new launch vehicle technologies and end governmental monopoly of human spaceflight. Private human spaceflight will enable corporations to expand their reach beyond Earth, entering a new economic era with as much uncertainty as ever in the expanding commercial frontier of outer space. However, legal challenges will present the major obstacle to corporations operating in outer space. Outer space is a high risk environment and given the dangerousness of such economic activity corporations will not be allowed to operate without some rules or regulation. Moreover, without the ability to profit, corporations will lose their incentive to engage in outer space commerce. Therefore, outer space law must balance corporate and public interests to ensure safety, equity and market efficiency. In turn, the shape of future civilization in outer space will depend on how national and international law develops over time in response to the pressures of corporate expansion. This paper thus seeks to perform two tasks: first, to critically review the major legal challenges facing corporate expansion into outer space, particularly United States and international space law; and second, provide an evaluation of “laissez-faire” proposals for human expansion into outer space and their impact on future space society.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors review the major legal challenges facing corp orate expansion into outer space, particularly United States and international space law, and provide an evaluation of "laissez -faire" proposals for human expansion into space and their impact on future space society.
Abstract: The monopoly on human spaceflight has been held by a handful of governments and their space programs for over the last fifty years. With the successful launch of Scaled Composite’s SpaceShipOne , c orporations may soon be able to take advantage of new launch vehicle technologies and end governmental monopoly of human spaceflight. Private human spaceflight will enable corpora tions to expand their reach beyond E arth , enter ing a new economic era with as much uncertainty as ever in the expanding commercial frontier of outer space . However, legal challenges will present the major obstacle to corporations operating in outer space. Outer space is a high risk environment and given the dangerousness of such economic activity corporations will not be allowed to operate without some rules or regulation . Moreover , without the ability to profit, corporations will lose their incentive to en gage in outer space commerce. Therefore, outer space law must balance corporate and public interests to ensure safety, equity and market efficiency. In turn, the shape of future civilization in outer space will depend on how national and international law develop s over time in response to the pressures of corporate expansion. This paper thus seeks to perform two tasks: first, to critically review the major legal challenges facing corp orate expansion into outer space, particularly United States and internati onal space law ; and second, provide an evaluation of “laissez -faire ” proposals for human expansion into outer space and their impact on future space society. I. Introduction he monopoly on human spaceflight has been held by a handful of governments and thei r space programs for over the last fifty years. With the successful launch of Scaled Composite’s SpaceShipOne , corporations may soon be able to take advantage of new launch vehicle technologies and end governmental monopoly of human spaceflight. Private hu man spaceflight will enable corporations to expand their reach beyond Earth, entering a new economic era with as much uncertainty as ever in the expanding commercial frontier of outer space. Corporations are well established in outer space. Many private s pace firms develop, build and launch vehicles and payloads , while working closely with governments. Nevertheless, many corporations are confined to specialized sectors of space commerce due to the economically prohibitive nature of human spaceflight. Howev er, legal challenges will present the major obstacle to corporations operating in outer space. Outer space is a high risk environment and given the dangerousness of such economic activity corporations will not be allowed to operate without some rules or re gulation. Moreover, without the ability to profit, corporations will lose their incentive to engage in outer space commerce. Therefore, outer space law must balance corporate and public interests to ensure safety, equity and market efficiency. In turn, the shape of future civilization in outer space will depend on how national and international law develops over time in response to the pressures of corporate expansion. This paper thus seeks to perform two tasks: first, to critically review the major legal c hallenges facing corporate expansion into outer space, particularly United States and international space law; and second, provide an evaluation of “laissez -faire” proposals for human expansion into outer space and their impact on future space society.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe the changes the Colombian government needs to make in its legislation (including the Constitution), to provide a solid basis for its new outer space policy in consonance with international law.
TL;DR: A large number of bubbles or other thin-walled hollow objects are deployed in outer space to form a sun screen as mentioned in this paper, which can have a significant impact towards reducing global warming.
Abstract: A large number of bubbles or other thin-walled hollow objects are deployed in outer space to form a sun screen. Portions of the solar radiation incident on the sun screen are reflected or absorbed. Since those portions will not reach the earth, deploying the sun screen over very large areas can have a significant impact towards reducing global warming.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the incipient arms race between the United States and China and the current state of the Outer Space Treaty and argued that the Treaty should be updated in order to deal with the new types of space weapons that form the backbone of this arms race.
Abstract: I IntroductionChina's recent test of an anti-satellite weapon on January 11, 2007, put the incipient arms race in space between the United States and China back into the public consciousness1 Under the Bush Administration, the United States has been aggressively pursuing offensive space weapons that have the potential to seriously threaten China and upset the longstanding geopolitical equilibrium based on mutually assured destruction2 Russia and others also fear the US pursuit of space weapons,3 and these countries are likely to rally to China as the arms race progresses As the overall situation continues to deteriorate, it is becoming increasingly clear that the unbridled American pursuit of space weapons is a dangerous game and that the consequences could be very severe indeedThe 1967 Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies ("Outer Space Treaty")4 is the major legal instrument dealing with weapons in space5 Originally, it concerned mainly the United States and the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War-these were the only countries with space programs at the time But the treaty now has ninety-one states-parties, including all members of the United Nations Security Council Article IV of the Treaty bans the stationing of all weapons of mass destruction in space,7 but says nothing about the emerging threats of kinetic kill vehicles, space-based lasers, and anti-satellite weaponsThis Comment examines the incipient arms race between the United States and China and the current state of the Outer Space Treaty It argues that Article IV of the Treaty should be updated in order to deal with the new types of weapons that form the backbone of this arms race Part II provides background on the current state of space weapons technology and the dangerous geopolitical ramifications that are likely to result from the further pursuit of that technology Part III examines the Outer Space Treaty as it currently exists and demonstrates that it is dangerously outdated Part IV argues that the international community should look to the principles that guided it in developing the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea ("UNCLOS III")8 for the law of the sea, as well as the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty ("ABM Treaty") and other Cold War era arms control treaties, and update the Outer Space Treaty accordinglyII THE US PURSUIT OF SPACE WEAPONS THREATENS CHINA AND DOES NOT IMPROVE US NATIONAL SECURITYThe development and deployment of space weapons will cost enormous sums9 and ultimately lead to a much less safe and stable world Kinetic kill vehicles and space-based lasers are very complex devices that have the potential to unleash enormous firepower on ground targets, but they are themselves extremely vulnerable to relatively cheap and simple antisatellite weapons ("ASATs")10 Moreover, the deployment of space weapons and further development of ASATs will upset the longstanding strategic logic of mutually assured destruction by significantly weakening the effectiveness of intercontinental ballistic missiles ("ICBMs") armed with nuclear warheads11 If the United States chooses to go the route of aggressive space weapons development in spite of these dangers, it is sure to further alienate the rest of the world-especially Russia-and drive it into the arms of a welcoming China12 In short, there are a number of very serious long-term consequences to the development of space weapons that the United States would be wise to consider before it is too lateA A Number of Very Dangerous Space Weapons Are Being DevelopedA variety of space weapons are currently being tested in preparation for deployment over the next several years These weapons generally fall into one of two categories: kinetic kill vehicles and directed energy weapons13 Kinetic kill vehicles are conceptually straightforward-they are simply solid objects designed to crash into their targets …
TL;DR: The development of the method of the creation of micro-satellite platforms for the fundamental and applied research of the Earth and near-earth outer space is complex problem both the scientific and technical plan, connected with development and use of contemporary spacecraft (SC) and with the scientific methods problems of conducting basic space research as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The development of the method of the creation of micro-satellite (~50 kg) platforms for the fundamental and applied research of the Earth and near-earth outer space is complex problem both the scientific and technical plan, connected with development and use of contemporary spacecraft (SC) and with the scientific methods problems of conducting basic space research. All these problems are logically connected with the hierarchy of preparation and realization on board SC of experiments. At present in space physics and astrophysics is accumulated the significant observant material, obtained by SC. Great successes are achieved in the theoretical studies of near-earth space, atmosphere and lithosphere of the Earth. There are serious studies of laboratory and computer simulation. Examination from the united positions of entire complex of preparation and conducting of basic space research leads to the need of the association of the efforts of scientists and engineers, who carry out the study of each of the directions enumerated above.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address the controversy surrounding the application of the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) to commercial space technology and evaluate the possibility of alleviating those effects through bilateral treaty instruments.
Abstract: This article addresses the controversy surrounding the application of the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) to commercial space technology. It first gives a historical background for the classification of commercial space technology as munitions, Then, following a description of the perceived effects of ITAR on the industry, it evaluates the possibility of alleviating those effects through bilateral treaty instruments.