About: Opposition (politics) is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 20639 publications have been published within this topic receiving 350832 citations. The topic is also known as: opposition.
TL;DR: This article used information from insider documents from Conservative Protestant communities to elaborate the structure of Conservative Protestant antagonism to pornography and demonstrate how Conservative Protestants' distinctive religious commitments direct their dispositions toward sexually explicit materials.
Abstract: Research on social movements has once again come to focus on the cultural foundations of collective action. However, previous works have failed to identify the cognitive structures that compose cultural worldviews believed to motivate collective action. The authors integrate D. A. Snow et al.'s notions of cognitive frameworks with W. H. Sewell's conception of the duality of structure to piece together a flexible approach for the identification of cognitive structures. Drawing on information from insider documents from Conservative Protestant communities, the authors employ this approach to elaborate the structure of Conservative Protestant antagonism to pornography. Using data from the 1988 General Social Survey, they demonstrate how Conservative Protestants' distinctive religious commitments direct their dispositions toward sexually explicit materials. In brief, they show that Conservative Protestant opposition to pornography is rooted in commitments to Biblical inerrancy and solidified by high rates of religious participation. Inerrancy serves as a cognitive resource informing two separate paths to pornography opposition : moral absolutism and beliefs in the threat of social contamination
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used time series data based on 24 countries to estimate the net effect of government coercion on two types of dissident activities: protest demonstrations and deaths from domestic group violence.
Abstract: The dynamic effect of government coercion on dissident activities has been a controversial issue. It is contended that this relationship is significantly altered when different control variables such as regime type, ideological orientation, and economic performance are employed. Time series data based on 24 countries is used to estimate the net effect of government coercion on two types of dissident activities: protest demonstrations and deaths from domestic group violence. It is shown that in democratic nations, government sanctions provoke a higher level of protest demonstrations. However, in nondemocratic countries, at the extreme, severe sanctions can impose an unbearable cost, resulting in an inverse relationship between sanctions and political deaths. The nature of the regime influences not only the dynamics of the relationship between government coercion and dissident activities, but also the qualitative character of opposition response.
TL;DR: Foucault's notion of localized resistance to power was developed in three distinct stages, beginning with difference in the 1960s, passing through an emphasis on revolutionary agitation in the years 1970s, and finally developing into a broader notion of diffuse, localized resistance in his later work as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It is impossible to comprehend Michel Foucault's politics without fully understanding his concept of resistance. It was developed in three distinct stages, beginning with a focus on difference in the 1960s, passing through an emphasis on revolutionary agitation in the years 1970s, and finally developing into a broader notion of diffuse, localized resistance to power in his later work. Contrary to the claims of those who assert that Foucault's notion of a ubiquitous and insidious power paralyzes, his notion of resistance supports a wide range of political action. The problem with his politics is elsewhere: his refusal to define any limits to resistance means endorsing all forms of opposition without regard to their form or consequences.
TL;DR: In this article, it has been commonplace for scholars across disciplines to view quantitative and qualitative research approaches as being in opposition to each other, and to emphasize the perceived we-don't-see-each-other bias.
Abstract: Historically, it has been commonplace for scholars across disciplines to view quantitative and qualitative research approaches as being in opposition to each other and to emphasize the perceived we...
TL;DR: This article found that the slanted presentation of the news on partisan outlets leads viewers to perceive the other party more negatively, to trust them less, and to be less supportive of bipartisanship.
Abstract: How has the rise of partisan media outlets changed how citizens perceive the other party? In particular, does watching partisan news sources make citizens dislike and distrust the other party? Drawing on social identity theory, I explain how the slanted presentation of the news on partisan outlets leads viewers to perceive the other party more negatively, to trust them less, and to be less supportive of bipartisanship. Using a series of original experiments, I find strong support for my arguments. I conclude by discussing the normative and empirical implications of these findings.[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resource(s): full details of the experiments, including descriptions of the samples, protocol, and text of the stimuli, results of manipulation checks, the replication of experiment 2 described in the text, and additional statistical results.]