Abstract: (2003). The Opium Wars: The Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 31, No. 2, pp. 85-85.

Abstract: The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.

Abstract: Aims To find out how cannabis came to be subject to international narcotics legislation. Method Examination of the records of the 1925 League of Nations’ Second Opium Conference, of the 1894 Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission and other contemporary documents. Findings Although cannabis (Indian hemp) was not on the agenda of the Second Opium Conference, a claim by the Egyptian delegation that it was as dangerous as opium, and should therefore be subject to the same international controls, was supported by several other countries. No formal evidence was produced and conference delegates had not been briefed about cannabis. The only objections came from Britain and other colonial powers. They did not dispute the claim that cannabis was comparable to opium, but they did want to avoid a commitment to eliminating its use in their Asian and African territories.

Abstract: The opium-smuggling trade that britain pursued on the eastern seacoast of China has become the symbol of China's century-long descent into political and social chaos. In the standard historical narratives of both China and Euro-America, opium is the primary medium through which the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) encountered the modern economic, social, and political institutions of the West. Consequently, opium and the Western powers' advent on the Chinese coast have become almost inextricably linked. Opium, however, was not simply a Sino-British problem geographically confined to southeastern China. It was, rather, a transimperial crisis that spread among an ethnically diverse populace and created regionally distinct problems of control for the Qing state.

Abstract: Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 The Missionaries' Lament in a Milieu of Indifference, 1773-1874 C.E. Chapter 3 The Gathering Storm: Protest, Politics, and Science, 1874-1893 C.E. Chapter 4 The Serendipitous Nature of "Except for Medical Use" and Participants in the Royal Commission Hearings Chapter 5 Hope for the Anti-Opiumists: Witnesses' Perspectives about Why People in India Eat Opium Chapter 6 More Hope for the Moralists?: Witnesses' Observations about Who Eats Opium in India Chapter 7 Sir William Roberts' Evaluation of the Opium and 'Malaria' Evidence Chapter 8 The Anti-Opiumists' Worst Nightmare Chapter 9 The Wider Context: Anglo-European Science and the Rhetoric of Empire

Abstract: Ladies and gentlemen, I would first like to thank Professor Glen Dudbridge for chairing the lecture, and express my gratitude to Mary O'Shea for organising the evening. I would also like to thank Dr Xun Zhou and Dr Lars Laamann, who have worked with me on the ESRC-funded project I would like to present tonight, namely the myth of the opium plague in China.1 In the Cambridge History of China John King Fairbank, doyen of modern Chinese studies, characterised the opium trade as 'the most long-continued and systematic international crime of modern times'.2 Indeed, in the field of modern history there appears to be a general consensus that Britain, in its merciless pursuit of financial gain, trampled on the sovereign rights of China in the early nineteenth century to enforce a shameful trade in opium. As the silver which Britain had to spend on buying tea from China began to drain the treasury, it was discovered that opium found an eager market in that country, starting a huge addiction problem or so we are told among

Abstract: © 2004 by University ofHawai'i Press Opium was, in the nineteenth century, one of the most empire-friendly com modities circulating in the global economy. It had the capacity to balance impe rial books, attract a seemingly endless number of customers, and, in a world where cargo space, like time, was money, take up little if any of the room on the ships of merchant princes, smugglers, and pirates. And, like all truly empire friendly products, it was versatile and adaptable to new conditions. Yet, it has long been the case that opium has normally been linked to China and the Chinese, as well as the horrors of drug abuse. Recently, however, it has become increasingly clear that, by the nineteenth century, the drug was important to the economies and cultures of regions well beyond the “East.”1 Opium had become a truly global phenomenon, one that would seem to require historians to think in global as well as regional terms, if its historical significance was to be understood. Three of the four works under review here deal with the role of opium in modern history and offer new views of its significance in China and in the politi cal economy of colonialism in Asia. The fourth, by Glenn Melancon, addresses an

Abstract: Opium, extracted from the seed of the poppy Papaver somniferum , has been used and abused for several thousand years. This substance is highly efficient to relieve pain or treat dysentery, and also shows strong euphoric and addictive properties. Due to their exceptional therapeutic potential, the active ingredients of opium have been the subject of intense investigations. Morphine, named after Morpheus, the Greek god of dreams, was isolated in 1806 (1) and is considered the prototypic opioid compound. This compound retains both analgesic and addictive properties of opium. Despite numerous adverse effects (2), morphine remains the best painkiller in contemporary medicine, and its clinical use is under tight regulation. In 1898 heroin was chemically synthesized by morphine diacetylation, in an attempt to obtain a drug with lower abuse liability. In fact, this morphine derivative showed even higher addictive potential due to its distinct pharmacokinetic properties. Heroin is being illegally abused worldwide and represents a major public health problem. Attempts to dissociate opioid analgesia from opioid addiction have been unsuccessful so far.

Abstract: This modeling project examines the short-run effects of a program wherein the United States becomes the primary buyer of opium produced in Afghanistan and thereby reduces the global supply of heroin (refined opium). The model graphically shows that supply-side intervention will result in a large decrease in short-run world heroin supply, as well as many beneficial side effects. The U.S. heroin market is neither adversely nor beneficially affected, despite a budget-neutral change in spending priorities.

Abstract: There is little doubt that the use of opiates dates to early human history. There are references to opium in the Ebers Papyrus, and the ancient Sumerians recognized its euphoriant properties when they called the opium poppy the “plant of joy.” Despite millenia of compulsive use and abuse, the opiates are still unrivaled as analgesics, and derivatives of opium continue to be indispensable in modern therapeutics.

Abstract: This essay explores what it means to be a thing at a particularly volatile moment when the consolidation of the European national subject and the racialization of colonized peoples were woven into the same historical process. Since the publication of John Barrell’s The Infection of Thomas De Quincey, De Quincey has become the ne plus ultra of the “psychopathology” of British imperialism.1 De Quincey’s writings have become exemplary for discussions of imperialism and colonialism in the period spanning the breakdown of Britain’s mercantile empire in the 1770s to the reconstruction of a territorially based empire by the midnineteenth century.2 What has gone unremarked is the degree to which many of De Quincey’s foremost discursive strategies are shared by equally sophisticated Anglo-African rhetoricians such as Olaudah Equiano. Contrary to critical orthodoxy, De Quincey and Equiano share a certain predicament and develop remarkably similar strategies to address what amounts to a problem at the core of modernity itself. Simply put, that problem is how one recovers from the experience of thingness or nonhumanity. De Quincey and Equiano become things in radically different ways. The former experiences the nonhuman through what he calls the agency of opium, and the latter, of course, is made the object of commodity exchange. To suggest that the experiences of addiction and commodification are comparable in any simple way would be capricious. But what I hope will be clear by the end of this essay is that the arduous process of textualizing these two experiences of nonhumanity are not only related to but also deeply revelatory about the limits of the political at a moment when raciological thinking becomes incorporated into the complex management of the imperial state. Since that management relies so fundamentally on the difficult task of defining the human in such a way as to ensure the dehumanization of the culturally different and the

Abstract: The research is looking into the study and comparison between personality traits and coping strategies and their relationship with one another among opium addicts within the age of 30-36. For this purpose, a research group comprising 50 opium addicts was selected with respect to control variables. In order to compare the results, 50 other individuals were selected as a observation group and with regard to control variables both groups were matched together. The five-factor personality trait inventory (NEO-FFI) and the coping strategy inventory of Carver and Shearer were used. Moreover, in order to control the effects of depression and anxiety on personality traits, Beck’s test for anxiety and depression was used. The results indicated that without taking the effects of depression and anxiety into account, the addicts showed higher neuroticism trait but lower extraversion, agreeableness and conscientious traits. But when the effects of depression and anxiety were taken into account, the two groups showed a meaningful difference in the conscientious trait. Furthermore, addicts rarely use concentrated coping strategies and usually use non-effective strategies. Non-effective strategies had direct relationship with neuroticism and opposite relationship with conscientiousness.

Abstract: (2003). The Opium War and the cinema wars: a Hollywood in the greater East Asian co-prosperity sphere. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies: Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 63-76.

Abstract: The efficiency of potentiated preparations from ethanol and morphine hydrochloride in the therapy of patients with alcohol and opium withdrawal syndromes was compared in an open clinical trial Potentiated ethanol relieved the major clinical manifestations, possessed hypnagogic properties, and reduced the severity of neurological and vegetative disorders in patients with the alcohol withdrawal syndrome Potentiated morphine produced the anxiolytic, myorelaxing, and analgetic effects Test preparations did not cause side effects

Abstract: The Wang Jingwei government has been reviled as the Chinese collaborationist regime par excellence, and one of the major indictments against it was its involvement with the alleged Japanese 'narcotisation policy'. The politics of collaboration, however, were complex, and are not fully captured by a one-dimensional portrayal of the leading collaborators as 'national traitors'. The Wang Jingwei government was, indeed, complicit in facilitating the Japanese-sponsored opium monopoly during its early years, although it played only a marginal role in running this monopoly. At the same time, as this article seeks to demonstrate, the regime did attempt to continue implementing the pre-war Nationalist government's opium suppression programme. Its motives were mixed: it wanted to bolster its legitimacy by portraying itself as the successor regime to the pre-war Nationalist government, and, also like that government, it sought to bolster its parlous finances by recourse to an opium tax. Political developments in Japan in 1943 enabled the Wang Jingwei government to gain control of the opium monopoly, and from 1944 until its demise it made a genuine attempt to implement a policy of opium suppression. This policy achieved some success. The government, however, never resolved the ambiguity between the political aims and the financial needs that drove its policy; nor did it effectively overcome the demoralisation produced by years of open trafficking; and it was never able to curb the Japanese military's narcotic operations.

Abstract: The present invention relates to one slowly-released preparation containing p-acetamidophen and opium and its preparation process. The slowly-released preparation consists of one slowly-released partand fast release part and each unit of the preparation contains p-acetamidophen in 100-1000 mg and opium medicine 5-240 mg. In the first hour, 25-70% of the two kinds of medicine are released for instant remitting of pain and the other parts are released in the latter 4-8 hours for persistent remitting of pain. The preparation process of the preparation is also disclosed.

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Abstract: Suitable solns are prepd for purification by extraction and phase separation of significant alkaloids (as opium, morphine, codeine, thebaine, papaverine and narcotine) Suitable solns are prepd for purification by extraction and phase separation of significant alkaloids (as opium, morphine, codeine, thebaine, papaverine and narcotine) Purification involves following stages: (1) starting materials are treated with water or an aq extract; (2) opium alkaloids contg aq soln is separated; and (3) resulting aq solns is purified further and opt concentrated

Abstract: Throughout recorded history, human beings have shown a desire to alter their state of consciousness using whatever psychoactive substances their particular era has made available to them: from coffee to opium, and from alcohol to ‘ecstasy’. Equally, public authorities have tried to regulate the use of such substances at particular junctures — often in draconian fashion — while at other times no controls whatsoever have been applied to the very same substances. Not until the twentieth century, however, was an attempt made to universalize the norms and legal sanctions regarding the use of and trade in certain categories of psychoactive substances. Today, virtually all states consider themselves members of what Nadelmann (1990) has termed the ‘global drug prohibition regime’.

Abstract: A non-opium drug-dropping Chinese medicine in the form of capsule is disclosed, and features use of pure Chinese medicinal materials as its raw material Its advantage is high curative effect