Abstract: The impact of population size, physical density, social density, and age of 600 communities upon the extent of their industrial diversification was analyzed. Hypotheses concerning each independent variable were generated from the theory of the development of the division of labor proposed by Durkheim and subsequently adopted by human ecologists. Regression analysis was employed to test the hypotheses. The standardized partial regression coefficients indicated that only social density exerts a significant impact upon industrial diversification. In addition, it was discovered that the combined influence of the independent variables fails to account for the bulk of the variation in industrial diversification. Factors which may be responsible for these results, as well as directions for future research, are presented and discussed. One of the areas in human ecology where the gap between theory and research is most apparent is in the study of the division of labor. Although the concept itself has received relatively extensive treatment at the theoretical level (Durkheim, 1933; Hawley, 1950; Simmel, 1959:52-62; Smith, 1963:3-17; Spencer, 1921; Stigler, 1951), attempts at operationalization have been rare (Gibbs and Martin, 1962:669). The few studies which have attempted to delineate empirical components of the "division of labor" (e.g., Olsen, 1968:703) generally employ ad hoc operational definitions whose utility is limited to the specific research problem under consideration. One exception to this trend is a series of studies by Gibbs and Martin (1962), Labovitz and Gibbs (1964), Gibbs and Browning (1966), and Browning and Gibbs (1971), endeavoring to measure the division of labor at the national or international level. Unfortunately, beyond these efforts virtually no work has been done to formulate an empirically based theory of functional differentiation. This article attempts to further the development of a grounded theory of the division of labor by testing a series of hypotheses derived from the conceptual scheme proposed by Durkheim (1933) and subsequently adopted by human ecologists. We are cognizant of the many difficulties involved in attempting to provide empirical linkage to the theoretical work of someone like Durkheim (Land, 1970:262; Merton, 1934). Because of the level of generality of Durkheim's explanation it is impossible to give attention to all possible meanings of all constructs and all their implications. What must be done is to extract a logically consistent piece from the more global scheme and empirically examine that statement. Perhaps Land (1970:262) best states the nature of this epistemological problem as well as a possible resolution: "The modern social theorist... can rarely claim to have captured the 'complete' meaning of a classic in his more rigorous restatements of classical social theory. At best, he can choose the goals of his formalization and attempt to show how the classic implies his restatement...." THEORETICAL STATEMENT While a variety of theorists have attempted to delineate the factors involved in the development of the division of labor, the explanation that is most generally accepted today was first proposed by Durkheim (1933) in 1893. Ac[ 176 ] * Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Society, New Orleans, 1972. We are indebted to John Stoeckel and two unidentified readers for their helpful comments on an earlier version. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.101 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 05:49:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Division of Labor / 177 cording to this approach, functional heterogeneity is the consequence of increased physical and social density. With an increase in population size and social interaction, the struggle for existence becomes acute. This intensification of competition stimulates the development of the division of labor. For, with the rise of functional differentiation, homogeneity of demands upon the sustenance supply is minimized and competition is more or less resolved (Lampard, 1955:91; see also Simmel, 1959:53). In explaining the role of competition in stimulating the development of the division of labor, Durkheim drew many of his ideas from the work of Darwin (1958:84-86). Consequently, much of his presentation is exemplified through organic analogies (e.g., 1933: 266). From Durkheim's discussion, however, Hawlcy (1950:202-203) has outlined four general stages that competition follows in the formation of community structure: (1) the demand for sustenance exceeds the supply, (2) there is an increasing degree of homogeneity among competitors, (3) the weakest competitors are eliminated, and (4) organization occurs since competition differentiates and multiplies functions. Hawley's statement lays the groundwork for referring to one of Durkheim's (1933:262) major propositions: The division of labor develops, as there are more individuals in contact to . . . act and react upon one another . . . the division of labor is in direct ratio to moral or dynamic density . . . and, if it progresses in a continuous manner in the course of social development, it is because societies regularly become denser and more voluminous. That the general constellation of variables within which Durkheim worked is essentially the same as that employed by human ecologists (e.g., Hawley, 1950: 192-203; Park, 1936) has been demonstrated by Schnore (1958). In addition, this overlap extends to the more specific conception of the development of the division of labor since Durkheim's propositions have, for the most part, found uncritical acceptance within the theory of ecological organization (Gibbs and Martin, 1962:669). Independent Variables In his discussion of the development of the division of labor Durkheim (1933:262) delineates three major determining factors-population size, physical density, and social density. Because he sets his argument in an evolutionary perspective, a fourth factor-time-can also be said to possess causal implications. While the impact of these four variables has been frequently discussed (Coste, 1899:95-103; McKenzie, 1933:316; Spencer, 1921:471; Stigler, 1951:185; Thompson, 1965:147), it has not been empirically verified although several studies (Keyes, 1958; Marden, 1966; Rogers, 1957) have found a direct association between size and the number of different services or industries extant in a population. And in regard to size, Clemente and Sturgis (1971) discovered a moderate correlation between city population size and one dimension of industrial diversification. Although there has been little other empirical research in the area, on the basis of the theoretical explanations proposed by Durkheim and subsequent human ecologists the following general conceptual hypothesis can

Abstract: POLITICAL and analysis integrate of SOCIALIZATION political research behavior. findings AFFORDS The and A RELATIVELY first discuss systematic the NEW significance attempt APPROACH to of TO review socialTHE POLITICAL analysis of political behavior. The first systematic attempt to review nd int rate research findings nd discuss the significance of socialization for the explanation of political behavior is found in Hy man's Political Socialization.1 The subsequent reviews of the literature by Greenstein, Dawson, Wasby, Dawson and Prewitt, and Langton, attest to the proliferation of socialization research focusing on various aspects of political behavior.2 A recent effort by Dennis resulted in a 55 page bibliography of current research on political socialization.3 In this paper we will critically examine a central, though neglected, aspect of political socialization research: the learning concept. Following a discussion of the current status of the learning concept, we will propose a research strategy towards the operationalization of the concept in political socialization research and exemplify the approach with a specific learning paradigm adopted from experimental psychology.

Abstract: This paper has been devoted to an assessment of contemporary theories of political and economic development. Specifically, it operationalized and evaluated the hypotheses of the most influential current approach referred to as developmental theory. A comparative study of four regional areas in Latin America concluded that this theory was conceptually and empirically inadequate to the task of explaining the results. Although the theory of structured underdevelopment was not specifically addressed by the research design, it did conform better to the results and suggested an alternative theoretical statement. The hypothesis put forward for subsequent evaluation stresses structural factors related to comprehensive and coordinated organizational forms which, in turn, are explicitly related to varieties of economic development.

Abstract: An expected value model of coercive power was developed and operationalized within the context of a two-person prisoner's dilemma game modified to permit one player to threaten and provide negative sidepayments to the other player if the latter's strategy choices are noncooperative on specified game trials. Thirteen empirical studies employing this paradigm were evaluated by the model, and it was shown that the model successfully predicted that the proportion of compliant responses by target individuals was monotone increasing with the expected value of compliance. It was also demonstrated that the present model is predictively identical to previous normative decision theories of power.

Abstract: The conclusions reached by Hall, Haas, and Johnson (1967) in their comparative evaluation of the Blau-Scott and Etzioni typologies fail to reflect their own empirical and statistical findings. Their approach shows little concern for conceptual definition and operationalization, particularly in the issue of conceptual dimensionality. Because of these methodological shortcomings, they overstated their negative evaluation of the typologies.

Abstract: Many social research programs are characterized by a stringent requirement that identifiable data collected on the subjects of research be kept confidential. This requirement, coupled with the increasing number of sensitive, sometimes controversial research efforts, has stimulated social scientists' interest in legal, administrative, and technical methods for assuring that confidentiality is maintained. We concern ourselves primarily with the technical methods in this paper, treating "security" as a partial operationalization of the notion of confidentiality.

Abstract: This paper addresses some limitations of current data bank operations. By focusing on the community, the authors attempt to show that knowledge of community structure, operationalized almost entirely by means of currently available data, is quite useful for understanding community participation, decision-making, innovativeness, and other types of community behavior. Arguing that data collection systems should go beyond the mere dissemination of descriptive items, the authors suggest that an instructional function be incorporated into data bank operations. Several recommendations along these lines are suggested. Illustrations of the points raised are made by reference to research and data available on community structure and on the relationship of community structure to community behavior.

Abstract: In light of Ernst Haas's recent claim that "the relative size of the member states in a regional grouping is not a good overall predictor of the success of integration"' it is surprising that well-known scholars in the field of international integration still accept and/or advocate Philippe C. Schmitter's operationalization of the size-power variable. For example, Joseph S. Nye, in assessing the "refinements" of the neofunctional approach to the study of integration, has cited Schmitter's "approach for studying changes in symmetry based on the hypothesis that the greater the rank incongruence measured by Kendall's coefficient of concordance (W) in 'size-power' variables, the greater the chances of progression toward supranational institutions."2 Also, Schmitter continues to employ the same operationalization of the sizepower variable in his revised theory of regional integration although he presents refined hypotheses which give evidence of an awareness that his original hypothesis relating to size-power heterogeneity contained theoretically conflicting assumptions.3 There are serious difficulties inherent in Schmitter's use of Kendall's coefficient which have thus far escaped the attention of integration scholars. It is the purpose of this article to point out those difficulties and to present an argument against the use of the Schmitter operationalization of the size-power variable.