Abstract: The literature on nomination procedures and intra-party politics shows that engagement in personalized parliamentary activities helps legislators get re-elected and promoted in the party list. Howe...

Abstract: Donald Trump's 2016 election and his nomination of climate skeptic Scott Pruitt to head the Environmental Protection Agency drastically downshifted expectations on U.S. policy toward climate change. Joseph Biden's 2020 election shifted them dramatically upward. We study firms' stock-price movements in reaction to these changes. As expected, the 2016 election boosted carbon-intensive firms. Surprisingly, firms with climate-responsible strategies also gained, especially those firms held by long-run investors. Such investors appear to have bet on a "boomerang" in climate policy. Harbingers of a boomerang appeared during Trump's term. The 2020 election marked its arrival.

Abstract: In 2014, the Grand Canal of China was inscribed on the World Heritage List. The aim of this article is to elucidate its nomination process. The findings reveal that the process was complex, as the ...

Abstract: Partisan disputes are ubiquitous in Congress. Yet, participation in this bickering varies among legislators. Some eagerly join these fights while others abstain. What explains this variation? Previ...

Abstract: Portuguese higher education institutions (HEIs) are excellent case-studies of women representation in academia, considering their significant presence and rapid growth in HEIs. Nevertheless, and despite efforts to minimise gender gaps, women are still underrepresented in top management and leading positions, contributing to increment the phenomenon of vertical segregation. Based on the reality of the Portuguese academia, and focusing on an in-depth case study of a Portuguese university, this paper analyses if and how the way decision-making bodies are constituted, influence the gender balance of their members. Recently, within the New Public Management (NPM) context, HEIs have been subjected to external pressures to create a new organisational environment aiming at substituting the collegial model of governance with a managerial one. In this context, there has been a trend to replace the election by the nomination as the dominant process to occupy decision-making positions. The opening hypothesis of this study is that the way decision-making bodies are constituted, impacts on their gender balance. More specifically, it is argued that the nomination process tends to be more advantageous to women than the election. However, although it is possible to conclude that the gender balance decreases with the increasing importance of the decision-making body, it is not accurate to say that there is a direct relationship between the way actors are chosen to these bodies and their gender balance. In other words, the way actors are chosen can not be seen as the only factor influencing the gender constitution of decision-making bodies. The study provides a relevant contribution to the literature on mechanisms and strategies to improve gender equality in institutional decision-making processes and bodies.

Abstract: Vying for the presidential nomination from the two major U.S. parties in 2016, both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders were repeatedly called ‘populists’ – even though their political positions and po...

Abstract: Election is perceived as the most peaceful means of power transfer in a democratic setting It enables for competitive struggles to secure power in a prescribed rule of the game constitutionally Nigeria is a democratic state currently undergoing its longest democratic transition unprecedented in the history of the country where six consecutive uninterrupted General Elections were conducted However, the major issue of concern with Nigeria’s democratisation is youth participation and exclusion from politics A major factor behind the marginalisation of youth is linked to the transparency question in terms of party financing and money politics This study examined critically how the process of party financing excluded Nigeria’s youth from participating in the 2019 General Election The study used a qualitative case study method Data were gathered from primary and secondary sources The primary sources included an in-depth interview with relevant stakeholders in the field, direct participant observation and consultation of government’s primary documents The secondary sources were books, journals, newspapers, reports from organisations and agencies and internet sources The data collected were discussed and interpreted using statistical techniques of tables, charts and a model The work discovered that youth were barred from participating in Nigeria’s 2019 General Election in terms of contesting and winning of elective seats emanating from heavy use of money in party financing and campaign expenditure The study thus, recommends that the viable alternative for youth to participate in Nigerian politics actively is to establish parties and lower the cost of obtaining party nomination and contest

Abstract: Since 1901, at least 15 scholars who contributed to cardiovascular research have received a Nobel prize in physiology or medicine. Using the Nobel nomination database (nobelprize.org), which contains 5950 nominations in the accessible period from 1901 to 1953 in physiology or medicine, we listed all international nominees who contributed to cardiovascular research. We subsequently collected nomination letters and jury reports of the prime candidates from the archive of the Nobel Committee in Sweden to identify shortlisted candidates. The five most frequently nominated researchers with cardiovascular connections from 1901 to 1953 were, in descending order, the surgeon Rene Leriche (1879–1955) (FR) with a total of 79 nominations, the physiologist and 1924 Nobel laureate Willem Einthoven (1860–1927) (NL) (31 nominations), the surgeon Alfred Blalock (1899–1964) (US) (29 nominations), the pharmacologist and 1936 Nobel laureate Otto Loewi (1873–1961) (DE, AT, US) (27 nominations) and the paediatric cardiologist Helen Taussig (1898–1986) (US) (24 nominations). The research of these scholars merely hints at the width of topics brought up by nominators ranging from the physiological and pathological basics to the diagnosis and (surgical) interventions of diseases such as heart malformation or hypertension. We argue that an analysis of Nobel Prize nominations can reconstruct important scientific trends within cardiovascular research during the first half of the twentieth century.

Abstract: Matters of gender equality within intangible cultural heritage (ICH) are often seen as sensitive or complex, making them easier to avoid than to address. The difficulties become apparent in the handling of gender within UNESCO’s Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICHC). In this study, the author seeks to shed some light on this grey area by analysing elements inscribed on the Representative List (RL) of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Available data on gender found in the official documents (nomination files and periodic reports) pertaining to all elements from a single country (Japan) are extracted, categorised, aggregated and analysed with the objective of identifying patterns at the national level. Japan has the second highest number of elements inscribed on the list, as well as legal instruments for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage dating back to the 1950s. By approaching the elements on a collective level, this study identifies existing gender imbalances in the examined elements, with a male dominance in access, participation and representation. The study also finds indications that gender equal representation was not a prioritised factor in the national nomination selection process.

Abstract: This study is intended to indicate that Indonesia's electoral system always experiences rapid dynamics in policy development. This study uses empirical normative legal research or a legal research method that uses a set of regulation relating to general elections and the rules of making positive law as reference of norms. Empirical research is also used to observe the results of human behavior in the form of physical archives. The methods are combined with the historical approach: an approach that is carried out by analyzing the debate arguments that occurred in the special committee meeting (Panitia Khusus) of the Election Draft Bill. The result of this research is the decision of the presidential threshold of 20% in the holding of presidential elections of 2019 contains the orthodox legal substance. This is because politically the law of its formation (Law No. 7 of 2017) is full of practical political interests of the ruling parties. Parties consisting of 6 factions gave a dominant opinion which leaned towards the 25% -30% threshold suggested by the government, while the other 4 factions do not agree with the high nomination threshold, because the concept of election must provide free space for each party to nominate their respective presidential candidates. The government had its own agenda to continue and extend the existing incumbent president and prevent the possibility for others. Therefore, in order to protect the agenda, high nomination threshold was proposed. Through content analyses of the regulation it can be stated that the high threshold has logical consequences for holding elections which create an insubstantial election environment and make the political climate in Indonesia unbalanced.

Abstract: This paper explores an alternative mechanism for understanding the drivers of the nomination of women for elective office in single-member electoral systems. Previous research has generally examine...

Abstract: Primary elections in the United States reflect the most inclusive nomination process among political parties across democracies. The desire for mass participation in party nominations appears embed...

Abstract: Accepting the Democratic nomination for president in July 1960, John F. Kennedy exhorted his fellow Americans to join him in a mission of national sacrifice on the ‘New Frontier’. This article will...

Abstract: Political parties in Western democracies with large immigrant populations have become increasingly interested in nominating immigrant-origin candidates. This paper investigates how contextual facto...

Abstract: The 2016 United States presidential election was exceptional for many reasons; most notably the extreme division between supporters of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. In an election that turned more upon the character traits of the candidates than their policy positions, there is reason to believe that the non-verbal performances of the candidates influenced attitudes toward the candidates. Two studies, before Election Day, experimentally tested the influence of Trump's micro-expressions of fear during his Republican National Convention nomination acceptance speech on how viewers evaluated his key leadership traits of competence and trustworthiness. Results from Study 1, conducted 3 weeks prior to the election, indicated generally positive effects of Trump's fear micro-expressions on his trait evaluations, particularly when viewers were first exposed to his opponent, Clinton. In contrast, Study 2, conducted 4 days before Election Day, suggests participants had at that point largely established their trait perceptions and were unaffected by the micro-expressions.

Abstract: Civil society actors collectively organized online and offline to nominate themselves and oppose the Vietnamese Communist Party in the 2016 legislative election. The level of opposition coordination among these independent self-nominees exceeded and qualitatively differed from previous atomized attempts in the 2011 election. External shifts in the political opportunity structure offer only a partial explanation for the increased coordination among independent candidates in Vietnam's 2016 self-nomination movement. In this article, I theorize that it is the combination of both opportunity structure and overlapping linkages across spheres of social contention and civil society, all accumulated from a prior history of protests and activism, that provide the conditions for the emergence of independent self-nominees and opposition coordination in single-party-elections. In Vietnam, a cumulative process of participation in social contention and civil society organizations during 2011 to 2016 allowed actors to develop linkages that strengthened their repertoires of contention and resonant frames of collective action. These linkages, combined with favorable political opportunities, effectively facilitated greater mobilization and coordination among independent self-nominees in the 2016 election.

Abstract: This article tests the nomination preferences of Labour parliamentarians in their 2020 leadership election against a range of individual, constituency and party-political based variables. From this...

Abstract: The article discusses how "heritage inventions" take place, as possibilities of rights, and, through this, the racialization when making these choices. With the nomination characteristic of the Law in mind, we defy its role in cultural systems that interact with patrimonialization, which usually make a distinction of the cultural heritage and practices of the hegemonic groups. In this context, the use of the law, through its nomination power, contained in the legal protection of heritage, has been one of the means used to racialize the issue and, consequently, the nation's identity and representation. In conclusion, we demonstrate that the Federal Constitution of 1988 broke with the hegemonic tradition when it allowed indigenous, Afro-Brazilians and other groups to participate in the national civilization process, by opening cracks in the monolith of the monocultural representation of the Nation in the Luso-Brazilian tradition. The methodology used was a critical review of literature.

Abstract: This research explains the change in the nomination quota for members of the Provincial DPRD (DPRA) and Regency / City DPRD (DPRK) members for local political parties in the 2019 Election in Aceh Province from a quota of 100 percent to 120 percent based on the number of seats that have been assigned to each electoral district, because the provisions of the LoGA stipulated in the Aceh Qanun are different from the national provisions. The change in the quota cannot be separated from the influence of requests made by DPRA members who are cadres of one of the local political parties. As a political actor at the local level, this request is supported by various motives. To analyze motives, the researchers looked at the reasons local actors asked for changes in nomination quotas. This research is a type of qualitative research by collecting data through interviews, observation and library data, then the data that has been obtained is analyzed by content. Research findings show that actors use an integrative model to get special treatment for local political parties in the 2019 elections, actor actions in achieving preferences, interactions between institutions and instruments or institutional rules, it is found that apart from maintaining the specificity of Aceh, the request for a 120 percent quota for political parties is found. The local background is also motivated by the motive of the interests of actors and their groups, namely becoming incumbent candidates and accommodating many candidates for DPRA and DPRK candidates from the Aceh Party.

Abstract: This article considers the selection of Keir Starmer as the new Leader of the Labour Party within the context of the Stark model for explaining leadership election outcomes. The article seeks to achieve three objectives. First, to provide an overview of the nomination stages and the candidates who contested the Labour Party leadership election. Second, to provide an analysis of the underlying academic assumptions of the Stark model on leadership selection and to assess its value as an explanatory model. Third, to use opinion-polling evidence to consider the selection of Starmer in relation to the criteria of the Stark model—i.e. that party leadership (s)electorates are influenced by the following hierarchy of strategic goals: acceptability or select the candidate most likely to unify the party; electability or select the candidate most likely to expand the vote base of the party; and competence or select the candidate most likely to be able to implement their policy objectives.

Abstract: This paper describes the development of two nomination scales designed to measure parents’ and teachers’ perceptions of high academic potential among young children, and how the scores correlate wi...

Abstract: This research applies Foucault’s framework of parrhesia or “truth-telling” to analyze the twelve Republican Party’s Presidential debates in 2015–2016, culminating in the nomination of Donald Trump as the party’s Presidential candidate. Using discourse and conversation analytical methods, it explores how the three main debate competitors constructed three different narratives of truth: Donald Trump’s “parrhesiastic truth;” Marco Rubio’s “orthodox truth;” and Ted Cruz’s “ironic truth” produced by combining features of the former two. Key findings of this research are that different narratives of truth compete during political elections, and that their public resonance, or lack thereof, is historically contingent, based on shifting public attitudes towards institutional power. Politicians such as Ted Cruz who attempt to emulate parrhesia risk fracturing their personal and political voices, resulting in incoherence and silence on the public stage.

Abstract: One way in which language can be used for persuasive purposes is through references to personal character, or the lack thereof. A series of lexica reflecting 24 character strengths were developed a...

Abstract: This chapter argues that the level of centralization of the candidate nomination procedure and the strength of the party leadership are two key factors for explaining incumbent party cohesion. The ban on reelection and the centralized candidate nomination procedure have been perceived as key elements in Mexican legislator behavior, showing very high levels of party cohesion during roll-call votes.

Abstract: Japan and Taiwan conducted similar electoral reforms in 1994 and 2005. Following the transition from the single nontransferable vote (SNTV) to the mixed-member majoritarian (MMM), at the district level, both countries’ numbers of female representatives have increased, contrary to expectations. What, then, explains the increase in Japan’s and Taiwan’s women’s representation at the district level? We argue that electoral systems can only partly explain the variation in female representation and that the critical factor explaining women’s representation is not the women’s electability, but the earlier stage of nomination. This article examines continuity and change in the candidate selection methods of major parties in Japan and Taiwan and identifies factors that may affect the likelihood of women becoming candidates. Although major parties have adopted different nomination strategies following the reforms, the increase in female representatives has been associated with the centralized process, and whether a woman is an incumbent or not is key to her nomination. Moreover, path dependence matters, and given that Taiwan had more female incumbent representatives than Japan under the SNTV, this might explain the differences in the starting point for female representation between Taiwan and Japan when both switched to the MMM and there was a persistent gap between the two countries.

Abstract: There are many tests to identify gifted children in the literature. It has been shown that these tests do not cover intelligence types proposed by Gardner. This study aimed to develop a measure that enables gifted children to be picked out in early childhood through the nomination of teachers. To this end, a conceptual framework was set to diagnose gifted children based on Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences. After establishing the conceptual framework, a 64-item framework that consists of characteristics considered to belong to gifted children was designed and presented to expert opinion. In line with expert opinion, the number of items was reduced to 50. This form consisting of 50 items was administered to 365 teachers working in pre-school and primary education institutions in the city centre of Kirsehir. As a result of the data analysis, a nomination scale, the validity and reliability of which were tested was developed.

Abstract: This article examines the impact of reforms on the outcome of Labour party leadership contests since the premiership of Tony Blair. From a theoretical perspective, these reforms are characterised by a tension between a general trend towards increasing “democratisation” of political parties and the power interests of intra-party actors. While there have been significant changes to both the nomination stage and the final ballot, the impact of these changes has to be strongly qualified. Instead of a major “democratisation” through targeted and deliberate reform measures, simple shifts in the power structure between strategic actors are more prominent among reform effects. Meanwhile, the trend towards “democratisation” in relation to the final ballot stage was largely driven by the massive membership surge since 2015, as well as low-key reform measures unconnected to handing ordinary party members more influence over the election process.

Abstract: Based on the results of the election of candidates for President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in 2019, an objection was submitted to the Constitutional Court over the results of the vote count by Candidate Pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Apart from questioning the correction of miscalculations, objections were also filed against various frauds that caused the candidate's defeat based on structured, systematic, and massive violations. In this article, the problems include: (1) How is the legal aspect of a structured offense, systematic and massive in disputes over election results? (2) What are the law enforcement regulations for election violations and disputes? (3) What is the interpretation of disqualification in the Constitutional Court Decision after the enactment of the Election Law and the Law on General Election of Regional Heads simultaneously? Data analysis used descriptive qualitative, by classifying, comparing, and linking legal materials with the subject matter. The conclusion is various reforms in law enforcement regulations for simultaneous election violations and disputes include the resolution of violations, criminal acts, and election disputes, including the resolution of structured, systematic, and massive violations, accompanied by strengthening of institutions and setting limits on the authority for settlement. In the 2019 Presidential and Vice-Presidential Election, the authority to enforce the law for measurable violations regarding the nomination requirements are submitted to the Election Supervisory Agency and disputed through the State Administrative Court. As for Structured, Systematic, and Massive violations, the reporting process is processed and decided by Bawaslu (Indonesian: Badan Pengawas Pemilu).