Abstract: This article responds to earlier research on the role of Islam as a barrier to women's political nominations by assessing and comparing parties’ efforts to meet institutionally required gender quotas in Indonesia. With the provision of 30% candidate gender quotas implemented since the 2004 elections, how have parties responded? Do Islamist and pluralist parties differ systematically in this regard? More specifically, does religious ideology influence how parties go about meeting quotas, recruiting female candidates, and getting them elected? Or do all parties face the same challenges when it comes to getting women into parliament? Drawing on a unique dataset collected from 2004 to 2019 legislative elections and in-depth interviews with central party officers, faction leaders, and members of parliament, this article investigates these questions. The results indicate that Islamic ideology plays no obvious role in limiting female participation in legislative elections; Islamist and pluralist parties are equally good at achieving the percentage quotas of female nominees. Both groups are also similarly poor at putting female candidates first on the party lists. Indonesia's open-list proportional representation (PR) system is prohibitively expensive, and this hurts women candidates more than it does male candidates because women generally have less access to the capital necessary to purchase the top position on party lists.

Abstract: In the Roman Catholic Church, the pope is elected by the (cardinal) electors through “scrutiny,” where each elector casts an anonymous nomination. Using historical documents, we argue that a guiding principle for the church has been the protection of electors from the temptation to defy God through dishonest nomination. Based on axiomatic analysis involving this principle, we recommend that the church overturn the changes of Pope Pius XII to reinstate the scrutiny of Pope Gregory XV, and argue that randomization in the case of deadlock merits consideration.

Abstract: In 2016, Hillary Clinton managed to win the Democratic nomination despite losing young voters to Bernie Sanders by a margin of 73 to 26 percent. The fact that senior citizens were four times more likely to vote in the primaries than young people enabled her to survive her lack of youth appeal. But in the general election, Clinton’s problems with young people turned into her Achilles heel. Young people failed to come out to vote as much as she needed, or to support her in sufficient numbers when they did vote. What will happen in 2020, another history-making election? Already in late 2019, journalists were referring to the generation gap as "the most important divide among Democratic voters." Is Voting for Young People? explores the reasons why young people are less likely to follow politics and vote in the United States (as well as in many other established democracies), no matter who the candidates are, or what the issues may be. This brief, accessible, and provocative book suggests ways of changing that. New to the Fifth Edition For the first time since its original 2006 publication, the entire text has been updated with the most recent available data and analysis. A new chapter has been added—Young People and Politics in the Trump Era. New chapter-opening vignettes illustrate one of the key points in each chapter.

Abstract: One way to investigate research trends in pharmacology over time is to study nominations for the Nobel Prize in physiology or medicine. Going beyond the laureates with strong links to pharmacology, this article pinpoints pharmacologist Nobel Prize nominees during the first half of the twentieth century with a particular focus on two co-founders of this journal: Oswald Schmiedeberg and Bernhard Naunyn. Using the Nobel nomination database which contains more than 5000 nominations in the category physiology or medicine from 1901 to 1953, we listed all scholars (Nobel nominees or nominators) who worked in a pharmacological institute. In addition, we collected nomination letters of Schmiedeberg and Naunyn in the archive of the Nobel committee for physiology or medicine in Stockholm to explore nomination networks and motives. The most often nominated pharmacologists from 1901 to 1953 were Alfred Newton Richards with 57 nominations, Rudolf Magnus (31), Edward Calvin Kendall (28), Otto Loewi (27), Sir Henry Hallett Dale (21) and Oswald Schmiedeberg (18). Surprisingly, the lion's share of the nominations was submitted by non-pharmacologists. We observed a decline in German nominations after World War II and an increase in US-American nominations, which indicates shifting centres and peripheries in pharmacological research. Furthermore, in our observed group of pharmacologists, there was no female nominee from 1901 to 1953. Nobel Prize nominations are to date an underused source to explore international scientific trends as well as scientific networks during the twentieth century.

Abstract: Drawing from Acker’s gendered organizations perspective, this study analyzes the gender distribution of research and non-research awards in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics) colleges at a mid-size public doctoral university in the western U.S. This analysis is complemented with a faculty survey (2016) elucidating faculty perceptions of the nomination process and their standing within their department and college. Despite an increase in the number of women among STEM faculty over time, women remain underrepresented among research award recipients, especially at the university level. The ratio of research to non-research awards for men is 3 to 6 times that of women faculty. Differences in productivity cannot be invoked as a mechanism for this gendered awards distribution. Women report being overlooked in the nomination process for all awards. This study suggests that the nomination and selection processes put women at an evaluative disadvantage with respect to high-status research awards. Social proximity tends to neutralize some of the evaluation bias at the college level.

Abstract: This article considers the hypothesis that the 2016 nomination of Hillary Clinton appeared rigged because the Democratic Party persuaded itself that the next step in guaranteeing Obama’s legacy and...

Abstract: Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.

Abstract: Disharmonization between the Constitutional Court's Decision and the Supreme Court's Decision related to the case of the executive (functionary) of political parties in the nomination of DPD RI members in the 2019 General Election. The research method used was normative juridical research, using secondary data. The results of the discussion are: First, disharmony between the Constitutional Court Decision Number 30 / PUU-XVI / 2018 and the Supreme Court Decision Number 65 P / HUM 2018 in the nomination of DPD RI members in the 2019 General Election related to the phrase "other work" in Article 182 letter l of the Election Law. Second, as a result of the two decisions, the Election Commission issued a KPU Regulation as the implementation of the Constitutional Court's Decree containing a ban on the "functionary" management of political parties not allowed to nominate as members of the DPD RI in 2019. Third, in the arguments that contradict each other / disharmony Islamic teachings are familiar with Islamic teachings. the existence of Ta'arud Al-Adillah by way of Al-Jam'u wa taufiq. As for the suggestions in this paper: First, it is hoped that in the future all testing of legislation will be made as one roof in the Constitutional Court or in the Constitutional Question. Second, the KPU is still guided by the latest PKPU in the implementation of the coming elections as the implementation of the Constitutional Court's decision.

Abstract: Elizaveta A. Vishnyakova Tula State Lev Tolstoy Pedagogical University vishnyalis@yandex.ru Olga D. Vishnyakova Lomonosov Moscow State University ol-vish@mail.ru Received 2.07.2020 | Revised 24.08.2020 | Accepted 18.09.2020 Recommended citation format: Vishnyakova, E. A., & Vishnyakova, O. D. (2020). Soubriquet nomination as referred to cultural awareness and intercultural competence. Training, Language and Culture, 4(3), 21-30. Doi: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-3-21-30

Abstract: Introduction This article provides for the first time an overview of the most often nominated European neurologists for the Nobel Prize, who never received the award. It sheds light on candidates from France, Germany, Italy, Russia, and the UK during the first half of the 20th century. The aim is to highlight the candidates in the field of neurology, to discuss key arguments in the nomination letters, and to raise questions about research trends and hotspots in European neurology 1901-1950. Methods Using the Nobel nomination database which contains >5,000 nominations in the prize category physiology or medicine from 1901 to the early 1950s, we listed European neurologists who were nominated more than once during this time period. We then collected nomination letters and jury reports of the prime candidates in the archive of the Nobel Committee for physiology or medicine in Sweden to explore nomination networks and motives. Results We pinpointed scholars like Joseph Babinski, Vladimir Bektherev, Sir Henry Head, Eduard Hitzig, and Ugo Cerletti. The nomination motives were diverse, ranging from "lifetime" achievements and textbooks to singular (eponymous) discoveries. Issues of scientific priority disputes were central in most nomination letters. Conclusion Nobel Prize nominations constitute a lens through which credit and recognition around major contributions in neurology during the 20th century can be examined. They are unique sources that enable the reconstruction of both research trends in the field and the reputation of individual neurologists.

Abstract: At the 42nd session of the World Heritage Committee (the Committee) in 2018 history was made: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s World Heritage nomination, ‘Al-Ahsa Oasis, an evolving cultural landscape...

Abstract: Many commentators argued that if elites and voters had coordinated on an alternative candidate, Donald Trump could have been defeated for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination. This claim rests on the implicit assumption that Trump would have been defeated in a head-to-head contest against another candidate—that he was a Condorcet loser. Conventional pre-election polls, however, do not provide enough information about voters’ preferences to assess the plausibility of this claim. Relying on novel data to construct individuals’ complete preferences over the set of leading Republican candidates, we find that no other candidate strictly defeats Trump in pairwise majority-rule comparisons and—far from being a Condorcet loser—that Trump is a member of the majority-rule core. Our results question the plausibility of the coordination narrative because Trump’s support was wider than political observers believed: it came from a broad base of the Republican primary electorate rather than a small but intense minority.

Abstract: The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.

Abstract: During the last two decades, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica have applied a variety of reforms with the target of deepening and strengthening judicial independence. So many changes have ocurred, like the reform of judge’s nomination and selection mechanisms, the promulgation of a constitutional minimum for the judicial budget, the introduction of the judicial careers, and more. However, in spite of the reforrns and the democratic environment of judge’s offices, the general perception is that judiciary is inefficient, corrupt, and uncapable of fighting the corruption. This article seeks to answer the question of why judicial independence’s reforms haven’t reach the expected outcomes.

Abstract: This guidance document has been prepared by the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), with the assistance of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) and the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, as support for States Parties at the earliest stage of the World Heritage nomination process – before or upstream of a nomination being submitted. To provide guidance and capacity building directly to States Parties, the World Heritage Committee formally adopted an “Upstream Process” in its Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention in 2015. Since then, the Committee has placed a high priority on providing advice to States Parties at the earliest stage of the World Heritage nomination process, ideally when Tentative Lists are being developed or revised. As a consequence, the number of Upstream Process assistance requests related to the revision of Tentative Lists is increasing: in 2019, for instance, more than 50 percent of requests submitted by States Parties concerned Tentative Lists. In addition to the Upstream Process, the World Heritage Committee endorsed in 2019 the principle of a two-phase nomination process, with a “Preliminary Assessment” by the Advisory Bodies of a site proposed by a State Party from its Tentative List as the first phase, before a full nomination for inscription on the World Heritage List is developed and submitted as the second phase. As a result of these two initiatives, and as the quality of Preliminary Assessments will depend on the quality of the Tentative Lists, there is an increasing need to provide basic guidance for States Parties on the development or revision of their Tentative Lists. This guidance document responds to this need. It is based on examples of recent updates of Tentative Lists, and aims to provide guidance that is widely applicable.

Abstract: This paper will analyze the arrangements and practices for the election of chairperson (president) of the Prosperous Justice Party as one of the party's instruments in implementing intra-party democracy. There are two main issues to be discussed, namely: (i) has the regulation of the election of the president of the Prosperous Justice Party reflected democratic arrangements? (ii) has the democratic election been conducted in the Presidential Election for the Prosperous Justice Party? To answer this question, researchers examine all the laws and regulations relating to the legal issue in question. The laws and regulations referred to fall into two categories, namely primary and secondary legal materials. The results showed that both in terms of formulation of rules and practice, the election of the president of the Prosperous Justice Party is still far from democratic values. It is caused by the following five factors: (1) the right of nomination is not open to all party members but is nominated by the chairman of the Advisory Council, (2) the right to vote does not involve broad party elements but only becomes the authority of the members of the Advisory Council, (3) presidential candidates parties are not elected through a voting mechanism, but by appointment (acclamation), (4) the nature of the election is not competitive because it is always only followed by a single candidate, and (5) there is a limitation of the term of office of five years, but there is no limit on how many times. It has the potential for a party presidential position to be held by one person for an unlimited period.

Abstract: This research was conducted to find the right model in the provincial head elections. This is based on the many deficiencies that occur when direct regional head elections are held such as multiple voter lists, logistical problems, low capacity of organizers, the emergence of SARA issues, strong money politics, bureaucratic politicization, and low participation in voting for the community (Pilkada Case Study Southeast Sulawesi 2018). This research encourages the alternative model of the governor and deputy governor election. Furthermore, if you want to be applied in Indonesia in general, more research needs to be done. First, improvements in the overall stages of governors and deputy governors' elections and the use of information technology to increase transparency, accountability, and efficiency. Second, the governor and the deputy governor's election is still carried out directly by tightening the nomination requirements. Among other things, they must participate in the regeneration of political parties, have experience and knowledge of government and local characteristics of the region, and are indigenous people who have lived long in the area. Third, the governor is still directly elected by the community, while the deputy governor can be proposed by the governor to the DPRD/MOHA from the private sector/ASN who meet special requirements, namely experience in government and knowledge of the local characteristics of the region.

Abstract: Author(s): Bhusal, Bhishma; Callen, Michael; Gulzar, Saad; Pande, Rohini; Prillaman, Soledad A; Singhania, Deepak | Abstract: In 2015, after a decade-long conflict and nine years of negotiation, Nepal promulgated a constitution that replaced its 240-year-old monarchy by a federal republic. The subsequent 2017 local elections ushered more than 30,000 first-time politicians into office. Using a census of 3.68 million Nepalis (2.56 million of whom are of voting age) covering eleven districts, party nomination lists and party candidate selection committee surveys, electoral data and information on conflict incidence, we document that castes that were historically excluded from political representation achieved representation without a significant representation-ability trade-off: improved social representation among politicians is accompanied by positive selection on education and income. Triangulating across multiple data sources, we show that the entry of the revolutionary Maoist group as a post-conflict mainstream party played an important role. Finally, political representation of non-elite castes improved their policy inclusion as measured by individual access to earthquake reconstruction transfers. These gains, however, vary with the extent of social connections to the elected mayor and point to a continuing need to balance power by supporting institutions that provide all citizens political voice.

Abstract: South Africa’s nomination of Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for election as the chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC) in 2011 remains controversial. In the absence of scholarship on South Afric...

Abstract: This article unfolds around the controversial case of Georgia’s eleventh-century Bagrati Cathedral, which represents the only site to be removed from the World Heritage List as a result of its full-scale reconstruction. After its destruction in armed conflict by the end of the seventeenth century, the first conservation-restoration works on the monument were carried out in the 1950s. In 1994, partially reconstructed but still without a roof, Bagrati Cathedral had no issues in meeting the conditions of authenticity when the nomination was made for inscription in the World Heritage List. The conflict arose further when the conservation experts did not endorse the state party’s intention to fully rebuild the cathedral, notwithstanding the fact it was stated to be crucial for its functional continuity. The International Council on Monuments and Sites and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization took the view that this scale intervention would compromise the cathedral’s outstanding universal value and authenticity. This article offers a closer look at the decision-making process, from the nomination to the delisting of Bagrati Cathedral, and analyzes the factors contributing to the conflicting interpretations of the monument’s fundamental values among stakeholders. It addresses the issues from a broader perspective to include the historical-cultural background of Georgia and local approaches to preserving the religious sites, which tend to be overlooked in the discourse.

Abstract: Agonistic critiques of democratic theory conceptualize democracy as a site of conflict and struggle; as the fight against privatization escalates, these critiques become more relevant for educational governance. Public education governance has, in addition, increasingly been the site of growing conflicts between federal, states and local levels, as populist and other types of dissent are now emerging in educational politics. These conflicts reached a new nexus with the nomination of Betsy DeVos as U.S. Secretary of Education. This nomination represents a vivid battle over public school as a “public thing,” a material object, space, institution or place of symbolic and embodied civic importance (Honig 2017). DeVos’ nomination stirred up, in popular imagination, the idea of public schools as “public things” of meaning and value for many citizens who participated in unprecedented ways to (unsuccessfully) block her appointment. It was with this threat to public education that the value of school as a “public thing” became crystalized among a diverse network of citizens. This political moment reveals 1) the nature of schools as public things, 2) the importance of agonist critiques of democracy, and public work, as a means for citizens to help safe-guard the future of schools as public things. I conclude by explaining the limits of agonism as a comprehensive approach to the democratic governance of schooling, advocating for its use as a critique and expansion of current models of public engagement with educational politics.

Abstract: The article covers the need and importance of intra-party elections in Pakistan. It is an essential mode to observe internal democracy in a political party and a gateway to promote ordinary members from bottom to top in leadership position. Intra-party democracy played key role in the production of new leadership from the grass-roots level. The intra-party democracy is significant for the stability of a political system. It also engaged the party members to defend and explain the party policies in the right way. Hence, intra-party democracy provides a leading role to all registered members to participate directly or indirectly in the process of decision making. In Pakistan, political parties and state politics revolve around personalities and some monastic families. Even mainstream political parties of Pakistan avoided intra-party elections and leading leadership comes from the top through direct nomination. In this way all the portfolios within the parties are conformed. This paper further explores that what are the challenges faced by a real and authentic intra-party elections in Pakistani political parties and why political parties avoided an intra-party election. The study concludes that in practice the grass-roots members of political parties are ignored in all crucial decisions making within the party.

Abstract: This article scrutinises the life and work of the German caries researcher Carl Rose (1864-1947) - the first known dentist to be nominated for the Nobel Prize in physiology or medicine. The starting point of the paper is Rose's curriculum vitae. The analysis then focuses on Rose's research on cariology, which led to his nomination, as well as the nomination itself. Further attention is given to Rose's other research interests, in particular his 'race studies' and his role in the 'Third Reich'. The paper is based on numerous contemporary primary sources, such as documents collected in the archive of the Nobel Committee for Physiology or Medicine in Solna, Sweden, as well as a critical re-analysis of secondary literature on Carl Rose and on the history of cariology and 'racial research'. It leads to the conclusion that Rose made significant contributions to the study of caries. Rose's study design can be regarded as a precursor of today's multi-centre studies. Nevertheless, the nomination remained a singular one. Moreover, it can be shown that Rose received special attention due to his pronounced racist views in the 'Third Reich'; this culminated in his being awarded the Miller Prize and the Goethe Medal presented by Hitler. Rose died after the collapse of the 'Third Reich' as a largely forgotten man.

Abstract: This article deals with the implications of participatory politics for the drafting of nominations for the Unesco Repre-sentative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In recent decades, participation has become a legitimacy hallmark for public governance and has also affected heritage politics. I focus on the filete porteno, a nomination developed in Buenos Aires in 2014 and registered on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015. Building on this case, I will discuss the complex dynamics developing within participatory practices, as well as their implications for governmental politics and their social repercussions.

Abstract: In this paper, we propose a simple and intuitive model to investigate the efficiency of the two-party election system, especially regarding the nomination process. Each of the two parties has its own candidates, and each of them brings utilities for the people including the supporters and non-supporters. In an election, each party nominates exactly one of its candidates to compete against the other party's. The candidate wins the election with higher odds if he or she brings more utility for all the people. We model such competition as a "two-party election game" such that each party is a player with two or more pure strategies corresponding to its potential candidates, and the payoff of each party is a mixed utility from a selected pair of competing candidates. By looking into the three models, namely, the linear link, Bradley-Terry, and the softmax models, which differ in how to formulate a candidate's winning odds against the competing candidate, we show that the two-party election game may neither have any pure Nash equilibrium nor a bounded price of anarchy. Nevertheless, by considering the conventional "egoism", which states that any candidate benefits his/her party's supporters more than any candidate from the competing party does, we prove that the two-party election game in both the linear link model and the softmax model always has pure Nash equilibria, and furthermore, the price of anarchy is constantly bounded.