Abstract: Donald Trump dominated the 2016 Republican primary despite the fact that he was not, in any meaningful sense, a Republican. Bernie Sanders came just shy of winning the Democratic nomination despite the fact that he switched his party affiliation from Independent to Democrat only three months before the election. Why did two candidates with no formal ties to the political parties fare so well? One possibility is that primary voters are more ideologically extreme and that ideology drives support for these candidates. However, another possibility is that concerns about government process drives support for insurgent candidates. We test the proposition that distrust was the primary motivator of primary voting for these two insurgent candidates using two datasets: a poll of New Hampshire voters fielded a week before their primary and a national poll taken in June 2016. Results confirm the hypothesis that distrust drove intraparty vote choice in the 2016 presidential primaries.

Abstract: This article analyses what makes political candidates run a party‐focused or personalised election campaign. Prior work shows that candidates face incentives from voters and the media to personalise their campaign rhetoric and promises at the expense of party policy. This has raised concerns about the capacity of parties to govern effectively and voters’ ability to hold individual politicians accountable. This article builds on the literature on party organisation and considers the possible constraints candidates face from their party in personalising their election campaigns. Specifically, it is argued that party control over the candidate nomination process and campaign financing constrains most political candidates in following electoral incentives for campaign personalisation. Using candidate survey data from the 2009 EP election campaign in 27 countries, the article shows how candidates from parties in which party officials exerted greater control over the nomination process and campaign finances were less likely to engage in personalised campaigning at the expense of the party programme. The findings imply that most parties, as central gatekeepers and resource suppliers, hold important control mechanisms for countering the electoral pressure for personalisation and advance our understanding of the incentives and constraints candidates face when communicating with voters. The article discusses how recent democratic reforms, paradoxically, might induce candidate personalisation with potential negative democratic consequences.

Abstract: The theory of parties put forward by scholars associated with the University of California at Los Angeles argues that political parties are best viewed as coalitions of intense policy demanders. These policy demanders use their control of nomination processes to select candidates loyal to the groups’ shared policy priorities. By highlighting the role of groups, this theory has made a major contribution to our understanding of party politics, breathing new life into important debates about the limitations of democratic responsiveness in the United States. The theory, however, leaves a number of theoretical and empirical issues unresolved. The “invisible primary” hypothesis has performed poorly in recent presidential elections. More importantly, we argue that the next generation of party theorizing needs to account for the distinctive roles and capacities of officeholders and voters, and to reengage the idea of formal parties as institutional intermediaries between groups, politicians, and voters.

Abstract: Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 Republican primary defied the predictions of many politicians, pundits, and political scientists. Yet, while Trump’s nomination was hard to predict, it is...

Abstract: We develop a theory of candidate nomination processes predicated upon the notion that members of the majority party in a legislature collaboratively influence policy Because of this team aspect, voters care both about their local candidates’ positions, and the positions of their parties which are determined by the positions of all their elected representatives in the legislature We show that candidates may be unable to escape the burden of their party association, and that the primary voters in both parties exploit the median voters’ national preferences to nominate the most extreme electable candidates We also show that gerrymandering affects the equilibrium platforms not only in those districts that become more extreme, but also in those

Abstract: The conventional wisdom in the literature on women candidates holds that “when women run, they win as often as men” This has led to a strong focus in the literature on the barriers to entry for women candidates and significant evidence that these barriers hinder representation Yet, a growing body of research suggests that some disadvantages persist for Republican women even after they choose to run for office In this paper, I investigate the aggregate consequences of these disadvantages for general election outcomes Using a regression discontinuity design, I show that Republican women who win close House primaries lose at higher rates in the general election than Republican men This nomination effect holds throughout the 1990s despite a surge in Republican voting starting in 1994 I find no such effect for Democratic women and provide evidence that a gap in elite support explains part of the cross-party difference

Abstract: Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy.

Abstract: Despite the importance of every nomination to the Supreme Court, a unified theory that illuminates presidential selection of nominees across the modern political era remains elusive. We propose a new theory --- the "characteristics approach" --- that envisions nominees as bundles of characteristics, such as ideology, policy reliability, and attributes of diversity. We formalize the theory, which emphasizes the political returns to presidents from a nominee's characteristics and the "costs" of finding and confirming such individuals, and derive explicit presidential demand functions for these characteristics. Using newly collected data on both nominees and short-list candidates, we estimate these demand functions. They reveal some striking and under-appreciated regularities in appointment politics. In particular, the substantial increase in presidential interest in the Supreme Court's policy output and the increased availability of candidates with desired characteristics has led to significant changes in appointment politics and the composition of the Court.

Abstract: The last century witnessed a staggering rise in the number of interest groups active in American politics. While this fact is well known, we lack a comprehensive study of the number of groups, the identity of groups, the timing of their births, their mobilization decisions, and their tactical choices, beginning before the transformation and continuing to the present day. In this paper, we use Supreme Court nominations to conduct precisely such an analysis. Analyzing new data on the 52 nominations from 1930 to 2017, we document a sea change in interest group politics. Prior to the 1970s, nomination politics were characterized by a small number of active groups, infrequent opportunistic mobilization, and somewhat restrained inside-oriented tactics. The 1970s saw a surge in both liberal and conservative groups, while the 1980s saw a continuing surge, largely on the conservative side. Moreover, the types of groups shifted from labor unions, core civil rights groups, and “old right” groups, to public interest, ideological, and identity politics groups. By the late 1980s, nomination politics was characterized by a large number of groups, routine ideologically driven mobilization, and extremely vigorous outside-oriented tactics. In sum, the data show a transformation from relatively genteel pluralism to street-fighting hyper-pluralism.

Abstract: This article examines how Tanzania's dominant party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), managed intensified factionalism in its presidential nomination process prior to the 2015 general elections. While CC...

Abstract: On October 6, 2018, the US Senate confirmed Brett Kavanaugh with the narrowest margin for a successful confirmation since 1881 and where the senators voted overwhelmingly along party lines. In this paper, we examine whether the political polarization in the Senate is reflected among the general public. To do so, we analyze the views of more than 128 thousand Twitter users. We show that users supporting or opposing Kavanaugh's nomination were generally using divergent hashtags, retweeting different Twitter accounts, and sharing links from different websites. We also examine characterestics of both groups.

Abstract: This study is an attempt to achieve the main objective by examining the association between the nomination and remuneration committee and the corporate financial performance of the Jordanian companies. This study used OLS regression to test the relationship between independent variable and dependent variable as discussed in the section explaining the study method. The data comprised of 228 companies industrial and services. As this study Jordan attempts to bridge the gap in the existing literature by investigating the association between nomination and remuneration committee and corporate financial performance in the emerging market of Jordan. The findings indicated a significantly positive relationship between the nomination and remuneration committee and the corporate financial performance. Finally, this study provides recommendations for future research.

Abstract: In electoral systems with closed party lists, it is argued that the importance of central party organisation increases at the expense of individual candidates’ role in candidate nomination processes. This logic also underestimates individuals’ electoral potential and focuses on individuals’ allegiance to the leadership as the main asset for increasing their chances of being nominated. We argue that forming a party-list is a strategic decision based on the principle of furthering the interest of the party as a whole rather than rewarding individuals’ commitment to the party and is conditional on inter-party competition. We conveyed an original dataset of candidate lists for major parties in Turkey’s parliamentary elections between 1999 and 2015 and found empirical evidence for the significance of candidate lists as being used as strategic tools in inter-party electoral competition.

Abstract: Author(s): Choi, Dong-Hyun | Advisor(s): Arriola, Leonardo R | Abstract: This dissertation investigates how political parties can undermine the representation of citizen interests in new democracies. Conventional wisdom has emphasized the centrality of parties in mediating the relationship between voters and politicians, and has often attributed the representational deficit observed across the developing world to the lack of stable partisan attachments or the ephemeral nature of political parties. I show that this may not be the case. To the contrary, under a political geography that enables political parties to repeatedly monopolize electoral support from voters in subnational elections, parties and the internal processes that govern their selection of candidates can function sever, rather than strengthen, the connection between voters and their representatives. My theory focuses on how conditions typical of many new democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa---local one party dominance and centralized control over candidate selection---shape the incentives of politicians to serve the interests of their constituents. Despite the institutionalization of competitive multiparty elections at the national level in new democracies, political parties are often able to consistently dominate their competitors in subnational elections. Under conditions of local one party dominance, politicians who contest local office become beholden to the selectorate which decides who the party's nominee will be, without much regard to the electorate. Yet for the party leader, who controls the selection of candidates within their parties, local politicians who amass an independent support base by serving the interests of their constituents pose a significant threat towards maintaining her position in the party hierarchy. I argue that the party leader selects candidates in a way that minimizes the risk of politicians building such an independent support base, encouraging responsiveness to constituents only in select locales where they are electorally vulnerable. As a result, politicians are incentivized to divert their effort and resources away from serving their constituents towards other activities that benefit the party leader. I support these claims using a multi-method research strategy that pieces together qualitative, quantitative, and experimental evidence based on 18 months of fieldwork in Kenya. I first combine insights from more than 70 politician interviews and analyses of nationally representative surveys and constituency-level electoral returns across six African democracies to establish that African parties often hold a monopoly on local power. Moreover, using detailed inquiry into the organization of political parties in Kenya and a series of experiments conducted among Kenyan primary voters, I also show that party leaders possess both the institutional tools and the persuasive influence over partisans that enable them to command control over the candidate selection process. Finally, I use supervised machine-learning methods on a large data set collected through web-crawling to document the existence of a nomination tournament, in which party leaders select candidates that invest significantly in "party-oriented" rather than "constituency-oriented" behavior over their terms in office. Substantively, the findings contribute to the emerging consensus that democratic elections are necessary but insufficient to foster better representation and responsiveness for the people. However, while the dominant narrative in the comparative politics has focused on structural-institutional factors such as ethnicity, clientelism, or electoral systems to understand this deficit, I shift the attention rightfully back to political parties. In fact, the conclusions of the dissertation suggest that ideal of "representative democracy" is likely to remain elusive unless democracy within political parties is realized. When power and authority over party institutions and decision-making processes accumulate to a single individual or a small group of elites, and without systematic checks to constrain their power, party leaders have the potential to effectively become autocrats within their domain; manipulating elected representatives who should primarily be interested in tending to their constituents to serve their political ambitions, thereby derailing democratic process that they should protect.

Abstract: Recent years have witnessed a series of studies of the nomination of the most creative persons using a cross-sectional design. Such studies only provide a “snapshot” of the creativity nomination phenomenon without being able to detect the temporal pattern of the nomination over time. The current study is among the first of such studies that use a time series design. Data were collected from German young adults in 2013 (n = 460, Mage = 28.3, SD = 9.9) and in 2017 (n = 617, Mage = 31.4, SD = 10.6). Consistent patterns emerge from the nomination of the top 10 most creative Germans: (1) Artists are predominantly represented; (2) Male creators are predominantly nominated; (3) Einstein ranks the first in both lists followed by Goethe; (4) Merkel is the only female nominee in both lists. Analysis of all nomination in both years reconfirmed the aesthetic salience and male-dominance and these patterns were more likely to occur in earlier than later nominations. Regression analysis revealed that social contribution (SC) and social acceptance (SA) each mediated the positive relation between creativity and creative fame. Further, the three-path mediation model of creativity on creative fame through SC and SA was also significant for both nomination conditions, with stronger mediating effect on the nomination from the meritorious than the aesthetic areas. Domain-specificity theories and social psychological theories were used to interpret the results.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to report the results of Chile’s presidential and legislative elections in 2017 and explore their effect on the party system. It relates the context and suggests that there were three recurring themes that defined both the nomination of the candidates and the tone of the campaign: strong political polarization, two major corruption scandals, and the debut of a new electoral system. The article presents the presidential candidates and their main support bases and describes the central points of the election and the main electoral strategies. It reviews, analyzes and interprets the results of the election, highlighting the unprecedented fragmentation in the party system caused by the political and institutional context of recent years. We suggest that as of 2018 the level of fragmentation in the party system is among the highest in its history. We speculate that henceforth governments will be more flexible than in the past and will seek to pass legislation based on multilateral agreements and negotiation.

Abstract: One view of presidential nominations in the United States [Steger, Wayne P. 2007. “Who Wins Presidential Nominations and Why: An Updated Forecast of the Presidential Primary Vote.” Presidential Research Quarterly 60: 91–97; Cohen, Marty, David Karol, Hans Noel, and John Zaller. 2008. The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; Silver, Nate. 2016. “The Republican Party May Be Failing.” FiveThirtyEight. https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-republican-party-may-be-failing/] claims that the support of political elites is causally related to success in the nomination. The mechanisms for this relationship include party activists, who follow the cues party leaders send and provide necessary support to candidates in primaries and caucuses. This mechanism has not been explicitly tested. This paper explores the preferences of party activists in light of the unified elite preferences among Democrats and the lack of such unity among Republican...

Abstract: The Fact that candidacy of women in simultaneously local head election (pilkada serentak) 2015 at Central Java more give opportunities for the wife or daughter of the head/former head of region, indicating women's candidacy opportunities are limited to elites (political dynasty) and therefore exclusive, is contradict with norm of democracy which is inclusive. The studies aim to analyze practice of political dynasty in women candidacy in concurrently local election 2015 at Central Java, previous studies are see it as negative for democracy. This Study also to make recommendation on this pattern of nomination. This study uses literature study .The data sources are literatures , documents and the news media that relevant, both published or no published . The Information that were collected then recorded , processed and analyzed. The study result shows that the nomination women as candidate based kinship no inevitable faced on internal and external barriers of women in politics. Strategy of political dynasty for women can be read as affirmation policy which are not provided by regulation pilkada . However, this study recommend a more inclusive (open) competition within pilkada through decline threshold limit candidation for party that nominee women as candidate in pilkada.

Abstract: Money is the most needed re source by people, becoming a reference for each transaction or individual maneuver and as a medium of exchange. Money is an urgent factor that is useful to boost one's personal power and to control the strategic discourse associat ing with a political interest and power. The nomination process is often inseparable from the use of money to attract the sympathy of citizens. Supposedly, the candidates should not rely on money politic as a way to win the election, but they must demonstrate their ability to be representative of the people. This research is a qualitative study. It was located in Sangtombolang District, Bolaang Mongondow Regency, North Sulawesi. The data obtained were processed and verified in order to obtain descriptive findings of money politic in the election perspective of Islamic law. The practice of money politic occurred in some people due to ignorance of the law on money politic, habits, and economic urgency. In Islamic values,money politicor risywah is something that is given to cancel the truth and to justify the falsehood, risywah in Islamic law is considered as confiscation of other people's property, as mentioned in Surah Al Baqarah verse 188. MUI also explained that people who give and receive risywah are haram (forbidden). Keywords: Money politic; election; Islamic law

Abstract: This article is a dual-case analysis of presidential campaign interviews conducted with former President George HW Bush when he was campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination in 1980, a...

Abstract: A recent change to the Labour Party’s nomination rules for leadership elections was the eighth such major modification of this brief clause in the party’s rule book since 1981. These changes have provided a barometer of factional conflict over this period and indicate the importance of gate-keeping powers in leadership selection. This paper recounts the history of these eight rule changes. It shows how the proportion of Labour MPs (and later MEPs) required to nominate candidates in leadership elections has oscillated markedly, as the left has tried to reduce it while centrists have sought to increase it. The most recent change in 2017, when the threshold was decreased to 10% of Labour MPs and MEPs, was a victory for the left. The paper argues that the changes to Labour’s nomination rules, while lower-key than the extension of voting rights from MPs to ordinary members, have been just as significant.

Abstract: Which party characteristics contribute to the representation of young legislators? We examine this question quantitatively, focusing on the European Parliament (EP), and gauge the influence of the age of the party leader, the age of the party, the size of its support, party ideology and party nomination procedures on the age of politicians, based on data of all members who have served in the EP. We find that none of these characteristics matter substantively in explaining young representatives’ presence and discuss ways to further the field of research on youth representation. Online Appendix

Abstract: Flashing her trademark warm, full, inviting smile and exuding her usual charisma, Carol Moseley Braun ended a campaign speech by making the signature statement of her campaign. Moseley Braun shared with the crowd the most important reason to choose her as the Democratic nominee for the 2004 elections, stating with a flourish, “I don't look like [George W. Bush]. I don't talk like him. I don't think like him. And I certainly don't act like him.” The crowd roared to their feet. After her speech, she dazzled the crowd, holding conversations with many between handshakes and hugs. But for all the photo snapshots and autographs requested from those attending, the voters sensed the truth. Carol Moseley Braun was not a “real” presidential candidate. She had once again left voters with two distinct conclusions: first, that she is a dynamic candidate and should become the next president, and second, that unfortunately, she will never become president. As the second African American woman to make a serious bid for the White House, Carol Moseley Braun ran as the “African American,” “the woman,” and perhaps most importantly, the “anti-Bush candidate.” At every campaign stop, she pointed to the ways in which she differed from not only President Bush, but also the entire field of Democratic contenders. Indeed, as Moseley Braun points out, she was unique among the nine candidates seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for the White House.

Abstract: Purpose Having more than 1,000 sites on the World Heritage List raises questions regarding what world heritage means. The re-evaluation of heritage sites within the USA will be conducted as a case study, where similar issues of historical designation has taken place. Within recent decades there has emerged a policy of revisiting designations that occurred prior to 1990, when the nomination process was less rigorous. These re-evaluations do not necessarily remove the property from heritage designation, but the process has been valuable from a qualitative standpoint because a better understanding of significance has been achieved. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach Within recent decades there has emerged a policy of revisiting designations that occurred prior to 1990 in the USA, when the nomination process was less rigorous. Should a similar approach or policy be made to the properties placed on the World Heritage List during the first decades, since the expectations for demonstrating outstanding universal value have since increased? The result could be that we end up with a more robust World Heritage List that provides a better definition of what the common heritage of humanity is. Findings The way we approach and conceptualize World Heritage needs to evolve accordingly, considering how much it has evolved since the Convention in 1972. The experiences of re-evaluating historic places in the USA since the 1990s has much to offer. Research limitations/implications Only the perspective of the USA is given, as a case study. Contributions from practitioners in other countries experienced in heritage site re-evaluation best practices would be meaningful. Practical implications Re-evaluating World Heritage Sites is something to consider as a management prospect for places on or under consideration for the World Heritage List since it could bring a more comprehensive understanding of outstanding universal value. This type of re-evaluation may help in addressing the meaning of place(s), contextualization of multiple locations of common heritage, and the political elitism of the World Heritage List, where some countries are over represented due to sites listed through a less-experienced process from earlier decades. Social implications Revisiting the World Heritage List in respect to policy and the meaning of world heritage may be in order. For example, should every nation be entitled to list at least one property to the list regardless of its heritage value? Originality/value Since the 1970s, coinciding with the establishment of the World Heritage List through the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, the USA has dealt with dynamic and complex logistical problems regarding the recognition and interpretation of its cultural heritage.

Abstract: Hacked and leaked content has become a major source of information for the mainstream news, particularly in the years since Donald Trump snatched the official Republican presidential nomination in ...

Abstract: In the following article, the phraseological nomination of childhood, juvenile age, manhood and elderly age, life experience are considered in a comparative aspect with the Turkic languages of Southern Siberia (Altaic, Tuvan, Khakass) for