Abstract: When Hillary Clinton announced her presidential candidacy, questions about the role of gender in presidential politics immediately surfaced. Would gender stereotyping and sexism pervade the electoral environment? Would the media treat Clinton differently than her competitors in the Democratic primary field? Would Clinton's candidacy mobilize women of all types, simply by virtue of its historic nature? And when Clinton lost the Democratic nomination, new questions quickly arose. Was America just not ready to elect a female president? To what extent did Bill Clinton account for Senator Clinton's successes and failures? How would the 18 million women and men who cast their ballots for Clinton vote in the general election? With so many interesting unknowns, political scientists will likely spend the next several years examining Hillary Clinton's campaign and assessing the extent to which her sex affected her experiences and contributed to her primary loss.

Abstract: One of the first texts to make use of the 2008 National Election Study results, this new edition of "Change and Continuity" will put the momentous recent elections into historical context for your students. Questions considered include: What were the impact of race and gender in this election cycle? How did fundraising during the "invisible primary" shape the nomination contest? To what extent did youth participation determine the outcome of the election? What effect did new media have on the campaign and voter turnout? What role did the economic crisis play in voters' choices? Was 2008 a year for partisan realignment of the electorate? This well-respected author team delves deeply into each area, armed with an array of thorough, yet student-friendly data, graphics, and figures. As with all books in the "Change and Continuity" series, the authors present election data from a variety of sources in a straightforward, accessible manner and make sure to incorporate and discuss the most recent research.

Abstract: Chapter 1 The Early Presidential Campaign of 2008: The Good, the Historical, but Rarely the Bad Chapter 2 The 2008 Presidential Nominating Conventions: Fighting for Change Chapter 3 Constituting Contrasting Communities: The 2008 Nomination Acceptance Addresses Chapter 4 The 2008 Presidential Debates Chapter 5 Identity Politics and the 2008 Presidential Campaign Chapter 6 Clinton, Post-feminism and Rhetorical Reception on the Campaign Trail Chapter 7 McCain's Issue Framing in 2008: The Environment as Freedom and a Commodity Chapter 8 Pop Goes the Campaign: The Repopularization of Politics in Election 2008 Chapter 9 Presidential Campaign Cartoons and Political Authenticity: Visual Reflections in 2008 Chapter 10 Videostyle in the 2008 Presidential Advertising Chapter 11 The Web, Campaign 07-08, and Engaged Citizens: Political, Social, and Moral Consequences Chapter 12 Explaining the Vote in the Election of 2008: The Democratic Revival

Abstract: The 2008 presidential nomination was marked by the most aggressive frontloading in recent history; the process was a mess from the outset. Frontloading is the trend in recent presidential nominations in which states schedule their primaries and caucuses near the beginning of the delegate-selection season to have a greater impact on the process. In 1976, 10% of the delegates had been chosen by March 2. In 2008, 70% of the delegates had been chosen by that same date. As part of their ongoing efforts to address frontloading and other problems, both the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) revised the schedules and rules for 2008 presidential primary elections and caucuses.

Abstract: In December 2003, Howard Dean, a candidate for the Democratic Party nomination in the American presidential elections, wrote an article for the magazine Vanity Fair on the growth of social inequality under the Republican administration of George W. Bush. By calling his article ‘How the Poor Live Now’ and pairing it with a series of photographs by Larry Fink that were taken for the occasion, Dean and Graydon Carter, the magazine’s editor in chief, implicitly placed themselves in the tradition of Jacob A. Riis’s famous work, How the Other Half Lives (1890), which is regarded as the first American example of the use of photography for the purpose of social reform. The project, however, was not successful in reviving this documentary model due to its insufficient political cohesion. The editorial and electoral pressures under which the article was operating led to a conventional and almost disembodied representation of poverty. A comparison between the photographs accepted by Vanity Fair and certain other, more complex images that were ultimately rejected by the magazine makes it possible to investigate the limits in contexts like this faced by the genre of social documentary.

Abstract: Under the single non-transferable vote (SNTV), political parties are faced with the strategic problem of matching the number of candidates to their vote total. Running either too many or too few candidates may lose a seat that could otherwise have been won. Many studies have confirmed that Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) solved this strategic problem relatively well and ran close to the optimal number of candidates. Each of these studies makes the standard unitary actor assumption that the LDP can be understood as if it were a single individual maximizing its total number of seats in the Diet. Even though these unitary actor models have produced an impressive account of LDP nomination policy, I argue for an alternative decentralized model based on candidate strategy. The primary mechanism producing the optimal number of LDP candidates per district is not strategic decision-making by the party headquarters, but competition among strategic candidates. Political parties are organizations and therefore...

Abstract: The current method for selecting presidential nominees by the two major parties went into place mostly in 1972 and certainly by 1976, after Buckely v. Valeo . It was the natural culmination of reform efforts over the history of the republic in that, while prior reforms consistently invoked greater openness and democratic governance as rationales for their adoption, this method actually empowered voters as the central figures in determining who would be nominated (see Aldrich 1987 ). This fact became fully evident almost at once. The selection via primaries of senator George McGovern in 1972 and governor Jimmy Carter in 1976 as the Democratic presidential nominees arguably not only would not have happened, they would not have even come close to winning nomination without successful appeal to the voting public.

Abstract: Forty years ago, violent protests at the Democratic National Convention captured the attention of the nation as rioters vented their anger over a nomination process they felt excluded their voices The disastrous 1968 convention spawned a cascade of reforms in the presidential nomination system, many of which were intended to create greater opportunity for meaningful participation of the party's rank-and-file members Forty years later, where do we stand? Does the nomination process meet the goals of encouraging broad participation and connecting rank-and-file preferences to nomination outcomes? We offer some tentative answers to these questions by tracing the history of the nomination process, its evolution over the last 40 years, and the implications of several key changes in the system for citizen participation

Abstract: Chapter 1 1. The Scope and Meaning of the Democratic Victory Chapter 2 2. George W. Bush: The Other Candidate Chapter 3 3. The Republican Nomination Contest Chapter 4 4. The Democratic Nomination Contest Chapter 5 5. The General Election Campaign Chapter 6 6. Congressional and State Elections Chapter 7 7. The Future of American Politics and Institutions

Abstract: Public support before the primaries is the strongest predictor of presidential candidate attrition and of the aggregate primary vote. Yet little is known about the factors that drive candidate preferences before the primaries. This article examines pre-primary candidate support in national Gallup polls for open presidential nomination races from 1976 to 2004. The study finds that candidate background characteristics have marginal effects on mass partisan support during the earliest phase of the nomination campaign and that campaign-related factors significantly affect pre-primary candidate support once the campaign begins. Prior levels of support, network news coverage, and party elite endorsements are significant factors in explaining variation in mass partisan support for candidates throughout the nomination campaign. The decisions of well-known, party “heavyweights” to enter or not enter the race affect the choices available to partisan voters and the overall competitiveness of the nomination campaign.

Abstract: Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.

Abstract: The presidential campaign of 2008 was unique in ways almost too numerous to list: historically high levels of public interest in the campaign and voter turnout on Election Day; record-breaking campaign spending; and of course, an unprecedented contest for the Democratic nomination between an African-American and a woman. Another unique feature of election 2008 is how the outcome of the Democratic nominating contest challenged a key contention of the political science literature: that the frontrunners who emerge in the pre-primary season (or “invisible primary”) always win their party’s nomination (Mayer 2003). This study zeros in on the early 2008 frontrunner that ultimately did not win, and examines yet another way in which 2008 allegedly was unique. Various commentators argued during the campaign that as the contest between she and Senator Barack Obama wore on, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton was subjected to unprecedented - and gendered - pressures to exit the race. We take these claims as an opportunity to explore a facet of campaign politics that has been under-theorized - what we label “exit talk.” We define “exit talk” as news coverage and media commentary that discusses whether, when, and how a candidate might end her campaign and leave the nominating race; it includes explicit and implicit calls for a candidate to withdraw, along with speculation about theThe presidential campaign of 2008 was unique in ways almost too numerous to list: historically high levels of public interest in the campaign and voter turnout on Election Day; record'breaking campaign spending; and of course, an unprecedented contest for the Democratic nomination between an African-American and a woman. Another unique feature of election 2008 is how the outcome of the Democratic nominating contest challenged a key contention of the political science literature: that the frontrunners who emerge in the pre-primary season (or “invisible primary”) always win their party’s nomination (Mayer 2003). This study zeros in on the early 2008 frontrunner that ultimately did not win, and examines yet another way in which 2008 allegedly was unique. Various commentators argued during the campaign that as the contest between she and Senator Barack Obama wore on, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton was subjected to unprecedented - and gendered - pressures to exit the race. We take these claims as an opportunity to explore a facet of campaign politics that has been under-theorized - what we label “exit talk.” We define “exit talk” as news coverage and media commentary that discusses whether, when, and how a candidate might end her campaign and leave the nominating race; it includes explicit and implicit calls for a candidate to withdraw, along with speculation about the possibility of withdrawal and descriptive or speculative discussion of reasons for remaining (or not remaining) in the race.

Abstract: This article examines the influences on the 2008 presidential election that led to the election of Barack Obama. There were many reasons why observers expected 2008 to be a strong year for the Democrats. The poor retrospective evaluations of the Bush presidency were thought to be too much of a burden for any Republican presidential candidate to bear successfully. On the other hand, open seat elections have been historically close, in part because successor candidates receive neither the full credit nor the full blame of incumbents. Moreover, in a period of partisan parity and ideological polarization, tight contests are to be expected. Add to these factors the fact that neither party’s nominee faced an easy time winning his party’s nomination and the fact that McCain was unusually moderate for a Republican presidential candidate and Obama was a northern liberal as well as the first African-American presidential candidate of a major party and there was every reason to suspect a closely decided election. That was the way that the election was shaping up in the polls until the Wall Street meltdown hit in mid-September. It was the “game changer” that tipped the election to Obama.

Abstract: 1 An Election Like No Other? Dennis W Johnson Part 1: The Primaries 2 Obama Wins the Nomination: How He Did It Tad Devine 3 Why Clinton Lost Ronald A Faucheux 4 McCain: From Frontrunner to Dead-in-the-Water to Nominee Tony Fabrizio 5 The Preacher and the Press: How the Jeremiah Wright Story Became the First Feeding Frenzy in the Digital Age Albert L May Part 2: New Voices and New Techniques 6 A Perfect Storm: The 2008 Youth Vote Kathleen Barr 7 Rewriting the Playbook on Presidential Campaign Financing Anthony Corrado and Molly Corbett 8 The Online Revolution Julie Barko Germany Part 3: The General Election 9 McCain: Strategies and Tactics in the General Election William Greener and Christopher Arterton 10 Obama: Strategies and Tactics in the General Election Christopher Arterton and William Greener 11 Outside Voices: 527s, Political Parties and other Non-Candidate Groups Stephen K Medvic 12 Communication Wars: Television and New Media Peter Fenn 13 Ten Plays that Won (and Lost) the Presidency Dennis W Johnson

Abstract: Bill Clinton and Geraldine Ferraro were accused of “playing the race card” during the 2008 contest for the Democratic presidential nomination This essay explores the different forms race cards may assume and the dangers each poses to the public dialogue Moving away from the traditional focus on persuasive effects, the Clinton and Ferraro utterances are analyzed as argumentative discourses Then, critical standards are promulgated for evaluating their reasonableness

Abstract: This article explores how results from Iowa may affect outcomes in subsequent nomination contests. We suggest that how Iowa matters may be determined, at least in part, by how voters and the news media assess whether or not candidates meet or exceed expectations there.

Abstract: The power to nominate and confirm federal judges is shared by Congress and the President, yet few works explicitly address the role Congress plays in shaping the preselection pool for judicial nominees. In this article, we illuminate this debate by exploring judicial nomination requests from Members of Congress to the Eisenhower and Ford Administrations. In explaining who is nominated, the characteristics of the nominee matter more than the characteristics of the nominator, with the party affiliation of a nominee being the strongest predictive factor. Institutional characteristics are more prevalent at the confirmation stage than at the nomination stage, where, when making confirmation decisions, the Senate relied more heavily on its members, on electoral considerations, and the judicial experience of nominees than did presidents in nominating them. The results provide a more comprehensive view of the nomination-confirmation process, and enrich our understanding of inter-branch relations.

Abstract: This article investigates the effect of a Tony nomination or win on the demand facing a Broadway production using a panel of weekly revenues for Broadway productions from 1996 to 2007. Our results indicate that the effect of a nomination or win is positive in the week of the announcement and gradually increases in successive weeks, presumably due to publicity and word-of-mouth. Winners experience an increase in demand as late as 1 year later when awards are publicized for the following season. Moreover, nominees that do not win the award are penalized heavily in the weeks following the Award announcements. We find that winning a Tony Award increases a production’s revenues by 12% in the week immediately following the Awards.

Abstract: For social network analysis, the most common method used to generate social network data is the method of Name Generator. Nonetheless, the number of nomination has been an unsolved mystery for social networkers. Namely, for each respondents, to name how many people are good enough to generate a stable network, which is able to represent the truly association structure among these respondents, still, is an empirical research question for researchers. This study devoted to explore this question and to provide a preliminary answer. A set of social network data was collected from a sample of Taipei metropolitan junior high schools, including 44 classes. In each class the students were asked to nominate ten best friends in the intimate order. It was supposed that in each class has ten sociometric data for different nomination, and the total amount of sociometric data was 440. The software UCINET6.0 was applied to analyze the social network variables, and NEGOPY4.30 to define the network position. Comparing the betweenness, constraint, and efficiency, this study found that two names will generate more diverse network position with unstable structure, three names are the minimum to get more stable network structure, four or five names are needed to observe the links between boys and girls, but more than five names seem to be redundancy.

Abstract: The 2008 U.S. presidential campaign has provided a lifetime's worth of surprises. Once again, however, the nomination process highlighted the importance of organization, political prowess, timing, and money. And once again, it raised many hackles. The Democratic contest in particular generated many complaints --for example, it started too early, it was too long, and Super Tuesday was overloaded. This timely book synthesizes new analysis by premier political scientists into a cohesive look at the presidential nomination process --the ways in which it is broken and how it might be fixed. The contributors to Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process address different facets of the selection process, starting with a brief history of how we got to this point. They analyze the importance --and perceived unfairness --of the earliest primaries and discuss what led to record turnouts in 2008. What roles do media coverage and public endorsements play? William Mayer explains the ""superdelegate"" phenomenon and the controversy surrounding it; James Gibson and Melanie Springer evaluate public perceptions of the current process as well as possible reforms. Larry Sabato (A More Perfect Constitution) calls for a new nomination system, installed via constitutional amendment, while Tom Mann of Brookings opines on calls for reform that arose in 2008 and Daniel Lowenstein examines the process by which reforms may be adopted --or blocked.

Abstract: Recent presidential primaries have taken place against the backdrop of a secular realignment in the South, a shift that carries important consequences for nomination politics. In this article, we use statewide exit polls to trace changes between 1988 and 2008 in the Southern Democratic and Republican primary electorates. We find that the Democratic electorate has grown strikingly more liberal, more racially diverse, and less heavily Protestant over the last 20 years. Meanwhile, the Republican Party has solidified into a conservative, almost exclusively white primary electorate. We also identify a growing partisan gender gap in the region. The findings suggest that it will be increasingly difficult for a centrist white Democrat, such as Jimmy Carter or Bill Clinton, to use the South as a launching pad to the nomination. In addition, the growing polarization of the parties’ Southern primary electorates will likely continue to widen the ideological distance between the major presidential nominees. The distinctiveness of the South is a prominent feature of the American political landscape, and its contours have regularly been evident in postreform presidential nomination politics. 1 In 1976 and 1992, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton used their status as Southern governors to their advantage, turning their relative conservatism into an asset 1. In this study, the South consists of the 11 former Confederate states: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

Abstract: Race and gender have never been more visible on the national political stage than during the 2008 U.S. presidential election, particularly during the months when Democratic Party rivals Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama battled in the party's state nomination caucuses and primaries. Clinton stood in for gender, representing all women, while Obama took his place in the category of race, standing in for all people of color. The success of these candidates and the addition of Sarah Palin as vice presidential nominee on the Republican ticket was a source of pride for many women and minority Americans. The “default” category for presidential candidates—the white male—had finally been displaced from the top of the ticket on the Democratic side and from the second in command for the Republicans.

Abstract: Objectives. The competitiveness of the 2008 presidential primaries in both the Republican and Democratic parties has prompted a reconsideration of the role of delegate-selection rules in influencing the strategic behavior of presidential candidates. Using advertising and candidate state-visit data from the 2004 and 2008 presidential nominating campaigns, we reexamine the strategies presidential candidates use when competing for the nomination of their party. Methods. Using the Wisconsin Advertising Project Data from 2004 and 2008, we estimate several multiple regressions designed to analyze the factors predicting candidate visits and advertising. Results. We find that, to a large extent, the rules of the game help predict where candidates allocate their political advertising and campaign stops; candidates consider whether a contest is a primary or caucus, they pay attention to how many delegates are at stake, and they consider whether a state’s delegateallocation method is largely proportional or winner take all. Yet we also find some differences in how the rules influence frontrunners and long-shot candidates, and we discover how other factors, including a candidate’s access to financial resources, influence the allocation of ads and visits. Conclusion. Our findings offer some of the first empirical evidence for the idea that a state’s delegate-allocation method influences candidates’ resource-allocation behavior. That these rules matter at all is somewhat of a surprise given that the delegate-allocation methods used by states have become more homogenous within each party.

Abstract: Introduction Part I: Debating the Reagan Presidency: Domestic Politics and Issues Chapter 1: Excerpts from Inaugural Address (January 20, 1981) Chapter 2: Excerpts from Economic Report of the President (1985) Chapter 3: Excerpt from Walter Mondale's Speech Accepting the Democratic nomination (July 19, 1984) Chapter 4: Remarks Announcing the Nomination of Robert H. Bork To Be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States (July 1, 1987) Chapter 5: Excerpts from Nomination of Robert H. Bork to be Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate Opening Statement of Robert H. Bork (September 15, 1987) Chapter 6: Excerpts from Farewell Address to the Nation (January 11, 1989) Part II: The Reagan Presidency and Foreign Policy: Controversies and Legacies Chapter 7: Address to the British Parliament (June 8, 1982) Chapter 8: Address to the National Association of Evangelicals (March 8, 1983) Chapter 9: Address to the Nation ... on United States-Soviet Relations (January 16, 1984) Chapter 10: Minutes, National Security Planning Group Meeting (June 25, 1984) Chapter 11: Addresses by New York Governor Mario Cuomo and Massachusetts Senator Edward Kennedy at the Democratic National Convention (July 16-19, 1984) Chapter 12: Report of the Tower Commission (February 26, 1987) Chapter 13: Address to the Nation on Iran-Contra (March 4, 1987) Chapter 14: Remarks at Moscow State University (May 31, 1988) Chapter 15: Address to the United Nations by Mikhail Gorbachev (December 7, 1988) Bibliography

Abstract: Scholars have defined two gender-associated language styles as rhetorical tools that are used by men and women to achieve certain objectives. Masculine language is commanding and instrumental; it is considered conducive to politics. Feminine language is intimate and unifying; it is considered too passive for politics. However, women introduced feminine rhetoric into politics in the United States in 1920 when they were granted the right to participate. But since then, has feminine-style rhetoric played any role in men politicians’ discourse? Specifically, do they use more feminine speech to establish unity and maintain relationships? By comparison, do they use less of it when displaying superiority? To answer these questions, I analyzed two Presidential speeches genres: Inaugural Addresses, which unify the citizenry and foster speaker-audience collaboration – goals feminine language accomplishes -, and Nomination Acceptance Speeches, which display the speaker as leader, expert, and agent – goals masculine language accomplishes. I hypothesize that feminine rhetoric is useful for achieving the Inaugural’s speech purposes, so male politicians should use more feminine speech in Inaugurals than Acceptances.

Abstract: Given the U.S.-led War on Terror and post-September 11, 2001 constructions of terrorism, we argue that the 2008 Obama primary campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination unfolded within a context that relegated him to the category of “brown(ed).” That is, while it is true that Senator Obama may be considered the first African American (or mixed race) presidential candidate of a major U.S. political party, we claim that the U.S. public was positioned--during the primary season--to view Obama as a “brown(ed),” in addition to a black, body. We articulate browned bodies as bodies that are: 1) perceived as a threat to both the U.S. government and the social fabric of the country, 2) rendered as being in opposition to the post-September 11, 2001 notion of Americanness, and 3) placed under strict rhetorical, legal, or physical containment. The process of browning places members of specific groups into a sort of social quarantine, where they are contained and held up for governmental and public scrutiny. The browning of Obama occurred systematically via questions regarding his patriotism, name, religion, and citizenship. The significance of these particular sorts of questions is that they establish the body of Obama as a terrorist threat against the United States.

Abstract: The new director of the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) laid out his priorities this week, spending his 1st day on the job speaking to his staff and reporters. Physician-geneticist Francis Collins said he plans to emphasize five "themes," including health care reform and translating research into medicine. Collins also sought to allay perhaps the biggest concerns about his nomination last month by President Barack Obama, saying that he will protect investigator-initiated science and that his religious interests will not influence how he runs the agency.

Abstract: Content-coded CBC evening newscasts are used in this article to examine reports on the eight candidates for Liberal Party leader in the weeks before the party's 2006 convention. In a sharp contrast to news reports on US presidential nominations, The National provided coverage balanced between the horse race and more substantive matters, including policy discussions and a candidate's personality and leadership qualities. But as with US nomination coverage, The National largely ignored trailing candidates, focusing nearly all its attention on the likely and plausible nominees. In terms of tone, The National provided “compensatory coverage,” where front-runners were treated more negatively than the candidates who were further back in the field.

Abstract: n a book published four years ago, Andrew Busch and I divided proposals to reform the presidential nomina tion process into two categories, which we called com prehensive and incremental (see Mayer and Busch 2004, chapter 5). Like any attempt to classify a com plex reality, this distinction blurs a bit at the edges, but the basic idea should be clear. Comprehensive proposals call for major, far-reaching changes in the basic operations of the pres idential nomination process; incremental proposals make more limited, marginal changes in the rules, while retaining the fun damental structure of the existing system. As its title indicates, this article deliberately tries to offer an incremental approach to reform. I have chosen this path for two reasons. First, of all the major comprehensive propos als that have been put forward over the last several decades, I am not very impressed with any of them. A national primary would restrict presidential nomination races to candidates who were already well known or exceptionally well financed. Depending on the specific rules governing a national pri mary, it might also lead to the nomination of factional can didates who were highly popular among a narrow subgroup, but unacceptable to large segments of the party electorate. Regional primaries would give a huge advantage to candi dates who happened to be popular in whatever region went first, and might also pose insurmountable barriers for lesser known candidates. The Delaware or "small states first" plan would always give the decisive first crack at the candidates to a set of states that are more rural and less racially diverse than the rest of the country, while consigning the largest states to regular irrelevance. A national preprimary conven tion would simply take all the problems and disadvantages of the current system and transfer them to whatever process is used for selecting delegates to the preprimary convention.1 Second, if there is one thing we should have learned from the last major attempt to rewrite the rules of the presidential nomination process, it is that large-scale changes often pro duce unintended consequences. The people who wrote the McGovern-Fraser guidelines in 1969 and 197o did not want to lengthen the presidential nomination campaign, increase the number of primaries, create a highly frontloaded primary and caucus calendar, or turn national conventions into meaning less formalities put on largely for the benefit of television but there is little doubt that the Democrats' new delegate selection rules did, in fact, bring all these effects in their wake.2 Though virtually all students of the presidential nomination process recognize these untoward consequences, it is striking that very few appear to take them into account when plan ning the next round of reforms. A long list of political scien tists have prop sed quite sweeping changes in the nomination rules, without any acknowledgment that the full effects of reform can, at best, be imperfectly predicted.