Abstract: Objective. Although national surveys indicate that Americans have become more accepting of the prospect of a Jewish presidential candidate, this could reflect some voters' desire to be seen as having socially correct opinions. The present study uses a survey technique known as the “list experiment” to assess public reaction to the nomination of Jewish candidates for high office. Methods. Two telephone surveys of registered voters in Florida, each employing the list-experiment methodology, were conducted in October 2000 and May/June 2002. Results. We find only limited evidence of negative affect directed at either the vice presidential candidacy of Joseph Lieberman in 2000 or a hypothetical (unnamed) Jewish presidential candidate who might choose to run in the future. Conclusions. Although there still are enough voters with anti-Semitic views to affect the outcome of a close election, their numbers do not appear to be as great as some observers have feared.

Abstract: The Front-Loading Problem in Presidential Nominations. By William G. Mayer and Andrew E. Busch. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2004. 226p. 22.95 paper.The authors are right, but … Front-loading has skewed the nomination process. It has given states holding early caucuses and primaries an advantage. They have more influence on the final outcome, more attention from the candidates and the news media, more economic benefit from the spending of the campaigns and the organizations that cover them, and more citizen involvement and higher voting turnout.

Abstract: Throughout history the myth of divine election - a community's collective belief in its nomination by the deity for a special destiny - has provided a supremely potent catalyst for social solidarity and political mobilization. Yet this sublime stimulator of ethnogenesis, comprehensive demarcator of ethnic identity, and durable guarantor of ethno-cultural preservation has been largely neglected by many of the most prominent scholars of nationalism who have often discounted the relevance of the myth of divine election with regard to modern nationalist movements. However, Anthony D. Smith has afforded considerable attention to the concept of chosenness and its significance for the nationalist project. This article will assess Smith's contribution to the subject and will examine how his ethno-symbolic approach has illuminated the ways in which ethnic groups have been infused by the myth of divine election. And, utilizing the ethno-symbolic perspective, this article will explore how this ineffable and persistent sense of providential destiny continues to influence modern communities and hence international politics.

Abstract: Part I of Judicial Selection: Ideology versus Character sets the stage for an argument that character and not political ideology should be the primary factor in the selection of judges. Political ideology has played an important role in judicial selection, from John Adams's entrenchment of federalists as judges after the election of 1800 to the Roosevelt's selection of progressives, liberals, and New Dealers, the contemporary era, from the failed nominations of Fortas, Haynsworth, Carswell to the defeat of Robert Bork, the narrow confirmation of Clarence Thomas. But until recently, political ideology has played its role behind the scenes - mostly off the official record of the judicial nomination and confirmation process. Perhaps the most important evidence of the new emphasis on political ideology in judicial selection is Senator Charles Schumer's op/ed Judging by Ideology, which argued for the proposition that political ideology and not character or competence should be the explicit on-the-record basis for Democratic opposition to Republican judicial nominees. Part II investigates the case for the ideological selection of judges. This investigation begins with Senator Schumer's argument for explicit consideration of political ideology in the confirmation process and then proceeds to the development of a two dimensional model of judicial attitudes. The first dimension is a simple left-right measure of political ideology. The second dimension represents judicial philosophy as a position on a continuous real line, the origin of which is perfect instrumentalism (decisions are entirely a function of ideology) and the endpoint of which is perfect formalism (decisions are entirely a function of the legal materials). Given a scenario in which Democrats can block Republican nominees (or vice versa), the simple model yields a confirmation space, defined as the set of judges whose position in the two-dimensional attitude space are acceptable to both parties. Part III presents the case for the primacy of character in judicial selection. The argument begins with the uncontroversial observation that almost every theorist of judicial decision can accept a thin theory of judicial vice. No one believes that cowardly, stupid, foolish, or corrupt characters are suitable for the position of judge. The next move is to argue that similar agreement can be reached on a thin theory of judicial virtue, the characteristics of mind and will that are necessary for excellent judging given any reasonable theory as to what constitutes a good judicial decision. Part IV moves beyond a theory of judicial virtue by investigating the particular virtue of justice. The paper argues that justice is best understood as lawfulness. A good judge is nominos; she grasps and respects the nomos, the laws, norms, and customs generally accepted by her community. Part V answers a series of objections to character-driven judicial selection. These include the objections (1) that judicial selectors lack sufficient evidence of character, (2) that there are no objective criteria for good character, (3) that character is a private matter, and (4) that selection on the basis of character is not politically feasible. In each case, the objection, while it might be apropos of some character-driven theory of judicial selection, is inapplicable to the kind of aretaic theory developed in Parts III and IV of the paper. Part V concludes by noting that when ideological struggle is intense, nonideological judging becomes all the more necessary to realize the rule of law.

Abstract: The 2000 Republican nomination battle illustrates the waning importance of campaign momentum to winning the presidential nomination and the increasing significance of early fundraising and organization. The reform movement of the 1970s established a new presidential nomination structure, which placed a premium on building momentum by winning early contests such as the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary. However, so many recent front-runners survived early defeats, suggesting the conventional wisdom needs to be revisited. In 2000, frontrunner George W. Bush, survived two substantial “bumps in the road” to go on and win his party's nomination faster than anyone in the post-reform period. This research explores how the resources obtained before the onset of the primaries prevented seemingly important early losses in New Hampshire and Michigan from denying Bush the nomination. The data examined include five measures of campaign organization obtained from quarterly and monthly reports filed w...

Abstract: Previous research has shown that candidates who discuss policy more than their opponents are more likely to win elections. This study probes further into the relationship between message features and election outcome by investigating the relationship between topic of attacks in campaign messages and outcome of presidential elections. Using data from seven message forms - primary TV spots, primary debates, primary direct mail brochures, nomination acceptance addresses, general TV spots, general debates, and general direct mail brochures - representing 89 candidates spanning 14 campaigns (1948-2000), this study investigates the question of whether a candidate's proclivity for attacking on policy or character influences election outcome. Overall, winners are likely to attack more on policy, and less on character, than losers. This effect is consistent, significant in all seven message forms, although the effect size is fairly modest.

Abstract: The United States has fallen well behind worldwide trends in presidential elections. Its electoral college regionalizes the contest for the national executive, contrary to a worldwide trend toward direct election. U.S. states continue to select presidential electors via plurality rule, resulting in vulnerability to third-party "spoilers," even at a time when third-party voting is on the upswing. The worldwide trend is toward runoffs to guard against spoilers. Only in nomination methods is the United States the trendsetter, as primary elections only recently have been adopted in other countries, mainly in Latin America. Yet the American regionalized and sequential nomination process contrasts with the national primaries preferred elsewhere.

Abstract: We suggest a Tournament of Judges where the reward to the winner is elevation to the Supreme Court. Politics (and ideology) surely has a role to play in the selection of justices. However, the present level of partisan bickering has resulted in delays in judicial appointments as well as undermined the public's confidence in the objectivity ofjustices selected through such a process. More significantly, much of the politicking is not transparent, often obscured with statements on a particular candidate 's "merit"casting a taint on all those who make their way through the judicial nomination process. We argue that the benefits from introducing more (and objective) competition among judges are potentially significant and the likely damage to judicial independence negligible. Among the criteria that could be used are opinion publication rates, citations of opinions by other courts, citations by the Supreme Court, citations by academics, dissent rates, and speed of disposition of cases. Where political motivations drive the selection of an alternative candidate, our proposed system of objective criteria will make it more likely that such motivations are made transparent to the public. Just as important, a judicial tournament for selection to the Supreme Court will serve not only to select effective justices, but also to provide incentives to existing judges to exert effort.

Abstract: Franklin Roosevelt was one of our greatest and most beloved presidents -- and yet he almost didn't get his party's nomination during his first run for the White House. Happy Days Are Here Again re-creates the crazy scheming, backroom plotting, and infighting of the 1932 Democratic convention -- a major historical event that took place over just a few days but determined the course of American politics for generations.The extraordinary Chicago convention of 1932, rendered so vividly and dramatically by award-winning biographer Steve Neal, was one of the most suspenseful in our nation's history. Roosevelt may have entered the Chicago convention with the highest number of delegates, but the structure and rules of the nomination process prevented him from being a shoe-in. In fact, there were several viable contenders -- among them Al Smith, Newton D. Baker, John Nance Garner, and Albert C. Ritchie -- who also could have faced Herbert Hoover in the upcoming general election. With the Depression under way, it was not lost on those at this particular convention that they were not only selecting a nominee but also a president.Among the dazzling and influential personalities Neal weaves into this high-stakes drama are Joseph P. Kennedy, William Randolph Hearst, Huey Long, Bernard Baruch, Will Rogers, Clarence Darrow, Amelia Earhart, Duke Ellington, and John Dos Passos. All of these players gathered during a Chicago summer to do battle over the leadership of their party and, consequently, the White House.Happy Days Are Here Again calls on a wealth of primary sources and new information to provide a fresh perspective on this crucial moment in history, yet it is written with the exciting narrative pull of a novel. Ultimately, this is the untold story of the pivotal contest that remade the Democratic Party, marking the end of an era and the birth of modern America.

Abstract: State institutions have assumed increasingly important roles in policymaking. Moreover, prior research indicates that judicial experience has emerged as a particularly important factor in nomination to the federal courts. Despite these developments, justices from state Supreme Courts are not often nominated to the federal judiciary. This article identifies the factors that influence the nomination of state Supreme Court justices to the federal courts. The results indicate that partisan alignment between the nominee, senators, and president is a critical factor in nomination. Age is also a significant factor in predicting nomination; a justice’s likelihood of being nominated peaks in her early 50s. Moreover, state high court justices who serve on relatively prestigious courts or have considerable seniority are less likely to be nominated to the federal courts thereby suggesting that visibility may not be an asset to state justices wishing to move to the federal courts.

Abstract: Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 "The Money Primary" in the Early Presidential Nomination Process Chapter 3 The Early Presidential Nomination Campaign and Presidential Campaign Finance in the Political Science Literature Chapter 4 Research Plan and Methodology for Examining "The Money Primary" Chapter 5 The Cases of 1988 and 2000: The Two All Non-Incumbent Presidential Nomination Races of the Post-Reform Era Chapter 6 Early Campaign Fund-Raising Success and Candidate Viability Chapter 7 Media Coverage of Campaign Fund-Raising and Candidate Viability Chapter 8 "The Money Primary" and Presidential Selection Chapter 9 Afterword: New Directions for Presidential Nomination Reform

Abstract: Professor Bernstein looks back at this year's Democratic presidential nomination, and discusses the implications for the future of the nominating system. Among the interesting aspects of the 2004 cycle he comments on: the demise of the winner of the invisible primary, Howard Dean; the decisions by Dean and nominee John Kerry to opt out of public financing; and the ability of Democrats to rapidly converge on a nominee after the surprising results of the Iowa caucuses.

Abstract: The role of presidential nomination conventions has changed over time, from selecting to anointing the party's nominee for the presidency. The amount of news coverage has decreased as the suspense surrounding the identity of the nominee disappeared. Nevertheless, nomination acceptance addresses are watched by millions. Approximately one-quarter of the electorate decide their presidential vote during the conventions1 and the candidates' acceptance addresses are the convention's climax.2Many others do not watch the speeches themselves; they learn about it via other channels and those who do watch may have their impressions of the candidates altered by later news accounts. The question of how accurately newspapers report on these campaign events has yet to be addressed. We know that campaign coverage focuses on the following:...the strategic game played by the candidates in their pursuit of the presidency, thereby de-emphasizing the questions of national policy and leadership.3Farnsworth and Lichter reported that horse race coverage increased from 58 percent of stories in 1988 to 71 percent in 2000." Jamieson, Waldman and Devitt observed:...in every presidential general election since 1960 reliance on news reports for information about the campaign would lead one to conclude that it contained a far higher level of attack than was in fact the case.5However, no research has investigated acceptance addresses to see how well this generalization applies in this message form. Nor has research investigated whether news reports of acceptances accurately reflect the topics (policy, character) of these speeches.Theoretical FrameworkThe functional theory of political campaign discourse holds that campaign discourse is instrumental rather than consummatory.6 Because a vote is basically a choice between two or more competing candidates, voting decisions can be seen as a judgment of which candidate is preferable. Accordingly, a candidate's goal is to persuade enough voters that he or she is preferable to other candidates for office. This goal is accomplished through messages, which can enact one of three functions. First, candidates may acclaim their own virtues.7 They may acclaim their desirable policy positions (past accomplishments, future plans or goals) or their positive characteristics (personal qualities, leadership abilities or ideals). second, candidates can attack an opponent. Attacks may also address alleged weaknesses or liabilities in an opponent's policy or character, therefore making the target appear less desirable to voters. Third, when candidates are subjected to attacks, they may defend against accusations. If a candidate can dissipate an attack, the candidates' lost desirability should be restored.For example, in the 2000 election, Gov. George W. Bush used this acclaim in his acceptance address:No one in America should have to pay more than a third of their income to thefederalgovernment, so we will reduce tax rates for everyone in every bracket.This proposal is likely to appeal to many voters, increasing Bush's desirability. Attacks also occur in these speeches. Vice President Al Gore's acceptance asserted that Bush's tax cut would benefit the wealthy at the expense of others. This attack could diminish Bush's desirability for voters who did not favor tax cuts that benefit the rich. Defenses are rare but do occur in acceptances. In 1996, for instance, Dole responded to accusations that he was a compromiser, one who lacked principles:And to those who believe that I live and breathe compromise, I say that in politics, honorable compromise is no sin; it is what protects us from absolutism and intolerance.This utterance rejects this criticism. If accepted by the audience, this defense should help restore some or all of the desirability lost from the attack.These three functions can occur on two discrete topics: policy and character. Gore discussed successes of the Clinton/Gore administration:Instead of the biggest deficits in history, we now have the biggest surpluses, the highest home ownership ever, the lowest inflation in a generation, and instead of losing jobs, we now have 22 million good new jobs, higher family incomes. …

Abstract: The European Commission is commonly portrayed as an actor constantly taking policy positions which, in EU legislative decision-making, fundamentally differ from those of the EU member states. That is, the European Commission is a (pro-integrationist) preference outlier. Yet, there are hardly any theoretical explanations, let alone systematic empirical evidence, which substantiate this common portrayal. Why should the Commission repeatedly take positions which fundamentally differ from those member states which at the same time appoint the Commission? By recourse to arguments of principal-agent theory, I argue that their right to (s)elect the Commission(ers) provides member state governments with valuable means to influence the policy preferences of the Commission. Member state governments can nominate candidates who share their party affiliation and thus can be expected to share basic policy preferences. In addition, the nomination of candidates who previously occupied “highly visible” posts in the political arena, allows governments to assess the respective candidate’s reliability. Thus, from this article’s theoretical perspective it seems rather unlikely that the Commission constantly acts as a preference outlier in EU decision-making.|The data set used to test the theoretical arguments developed in this paper was generated for this purpose and covers the relevant information for all Commissioners who were appointed to the Commission between January 1958 and March 2004 (N

Abstract: The withdrawal in 2003 of George W. Bush’s nomination of Miguel Estrada to the D.C. Circuit, bemoaned by Senate Republicans as the first-ever successful filibuster of an appeals court nomination,1 underlined a growing sense that the federal judicial appointments process has degenerated, in the words of one senator, into a vicious cycle of “payback on top of payback on top of payback.”2 Tempers, to be sure, have frayed. Republican leaders blamed “rank and unbridled Democratic partisanship”3 for what they dubbed a “political hate crime”4 and a “constitutional disaster,”5 and the White House took to bypassing the Senate entirely with the use of recess appointments.6 Meanwhile, Democrats bitterly accused Republicans of employing a “double standard”7—and even political espionage8—to achieve their

Abstract: As Korea moves from a state-dominated to a civilian-driven society, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have emerged as an institutional hybrid that undertakes public functions through private initiatives. Recently NGOs have gone beyond diverse social issues to promote political reform. On 12 January 2000, Citizens' Alliance for General Elections (CAGE) — a loosely coupled coalition of NGOs formed to reform the nomination process and realize citizen political sovereignty — ousted 59 of 86 disfavored candidates from the political stage in the 16th General Elections in 2000. The coalition gained public support and persuaded the government to revise election law and readjust electoral constituencies. NGOs such as CAGE have thus become salient political actors and credible public institutions propelling democratic transition. Yet CAGE activities were never made legal and failed to mobilize voters — the 16th elections had the lowest voter turnout in Korean history left regional party monopoly intact...

Abstract: From its formation in 1909 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) sought to improve the social, political, and economic conditions for African Americans by attempting to secure their citizenship rights. (1) The NAACP, which according to its constitution was nonpartisan, metamorphosed in the 1930s and 1940s and became more actively involved in politics, began to forge links with other protest groups, black and white; and sought closer ties to the organized labor movement. The association also moved, almost imperceptibly, away from both its interracial and essentially middle class beginnings. By the early 1930s, for instance, the vast majority of the NAACP's senior officers were African American. However, the 1940s would be the most significant decade in the NAACP's history to that time. The organization became more mass-based during the Second World War: in 1940 it had 50,000 members in 355 branches; by 1946 it had 450,000 members in 1,073 branches. (2) Previously the membership had been largely middle class, with what some argued were class-based goals, but in the 1940s it became much more representative of the African American community as a whole. (3) The changes the NAACP underwent in the 1930s and 1940s, especially during World War II, constituted a potential threat to its public position of "nonpartisanship." This essay examines the NAACP's involvement in the Presidential election campaigns in 1936, 1940, 1944, and 1948. Historians have generally agreed that African Americans came to support Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal and benefited directly from many of the programs. Indeed, the NAACP leadership's closeness to Roosevelt's New Deal and identification with the policies pursued by the Truman administration served to alienate potentially sympathetic leaders in the Republican party. (4) What became clear during World War II was that while the NAACP leadership's faith in Roosevelt was wavering, the African American electorate in northern cities and states still lacked an acceptable alternative. In the 1920s and 1930s a number of factors, including migration, population concentration in urban centers, and an increasing sense of alienation from the Republican party, combined to help move African Americans and, particularly the NAACP membership, into the open arms of the Democratic party. The concerted efforts by northern Democrats to win the new black vote saw African American political influence grow steadily in Chicago, New York City, and other northern cities. African American political influence continued to grow in the early 1940s, yet it should not be overestimated. African American political power remained painfully limited in most sections of the country. Walter White, the NAACP's Executive Secretary from 1930 until his death in 1955, may have overestimated this political influence in the 1940s, nevertheless, African Americans could exert some political pressure and in 1930 they helped to defeat Republican President Herbert Hoover's nomination of a segregationist judge, John J. Parker, to the Supreme Court. U.S. Senators and Representatives who had supported the nomination, invariably Republican, were targeted by the NAACP and a number were defeated in elections between 1930 and 1934. (5) In 1936 African American efforts helped thwart the presidential aspirations of William Borah, Senator from Idaho and implacable foe of the NAACP-sponsored anti-lynching legislation. (6) Despite African Americans' earlier support for the Party of Lincoln, Hoover and Borah became the targets of organized opposition. The increasing potential of the black vote eventually became the NAACP's main political weapon, and it was most often employed against the Republicans. In 1944 the black vote was large enough, or more accurately concentrated enough, to swing a close presidential election; and in 1948 Harry Truman would not have won without it in pivotal states. (7) This potential was recognized and publicized by the NAACP, and the leadership began to pursue political activism and, to a lesser extent, economic strategies to improve conditions of African Americans. …

Abstract: Chapter 1 Religion and Liberal Democracy: An American Perspective Part 2 The Role of Religion in the 2000 Presidential Election Chapter 3 The Extraordinary Election of 2000 Chapter 4 Bush vs. Gore: Judicial Activism, Conservative Style Chapter 5 The Christian Right in the 2000 GOP Presidential Campaign Chapter 6 Catholics and the 2000 Presidential Election: Bob Jones University and the Catholic Vote Chapter 7 Stealth Politics: Religious and Moral Issues in the 2000 Election Chapter 8 A Historic First: The Lieberman Nomination Part 9 Religious Liberty in a Pluralistic Society: The Smith Case Chapter 10 Evolving Standards under the Free Exercise Clause: Neutrality or Accomodation? Chapter 11 The Constitutional Context of Religious Liberty in the United States Chapter 12 Political Culture, Political Structure, and Political Conflict: The Persistence of Church-State Conflict in the United States Chapter 13 Public Attitudes on Church and State: Coexistence or Conflict?

Abstract: In August of 2000, a self-avowed fundamentalist Christian who had publicly pledged to "do everything in my power to restrict abortion" earned the Republican Presidential nomination in Philadelphia. (1) In an apparent attempt to diffuse this controversial issue, throughout the nomination and presidential campaign Governor George W. Bush obscured his abortion views and avoided discussing the topic. His official position is that abortion should be outlawed except in cases of rape, incest, or to save the life of the mother. In a debate with Senator John McCain on Larry King Live, Governor Bush simultaneously maintained that he completely endorsed and agreed with the Republican Party platform (which calls for a constitutional amendment barring all abortions) and he supported the above-noted exceptions. Senator McCain apparently found it so frustrating to attempt to force Governor Bush to clarify these mutually exclusive positions that he eventually quit discussing abortion (Larry King Live 2000). The Bush campaign's efforts to obscure the candidate's abortion position reached their height during the first presidential debate when Bush refused to verify his previously stated plan to try to overturn the FDA's approval of the RU-486 abortion drug, saying he was only interested in doing whatever would protect women's health. He then linked his position on abortion to promoting a "culture of life," saying that while "abortions ought to be more rare in America," this culture would also lead to fighting laws that "allow doctors to take the lives of our seniors" and change the culture to discourage "youngsters who feel like they tan take a neighbor's life with a gun" (Commission on Presidential Debates 2000). It would be difficult to find anyone who actively favors more abortions and more killing of older people and neighbors by teenagers. In the same debate, Vice President Al Gore clearly stated his support for a woman's right to choose abortion and RU-486, although he said he did not favor late-term or partial birth abortions (Commission on Presidential Debates 2000). During the campaign, disguising the Republican Party's long-standing strong opposition to legal abortions could have advantaged Bush in several ways. First, only a small minority of Americans shares the Republican Party's official position--only 17 percent in the most recent Gallup poll (Gallup Organization and USA Today 2003). Publicly supporting an unpopular policy is not likely to increase one's broad-based general election support. (2) Second, even within the Republican Party, the abortion issue has generated tremendous conflict. The last several conventions have been characterized by a certain amount of rancor over abortion, although these disagreements are most visible when the platform is written before the convention. Third, Bush's campaign may have been trying to avoid having an abortion controversy attach itself to the candidate and increase the attention paid to this issue by voters. It seems reasonably clear that Bush attempted to obscure his abortion position to broaden his appeal to pro-choice voters, but on an issue as salient as abortion, how effective was this strategy? Was it, in fact, any more effective at preventing defection of pro-choice Republicans than Gore's clear statement of his abortion position was effective at preventing defection of pro-life Democrats? Because there are a roughly equal number of pro-life Democrats and pro-choice Republicans (Greene and Brians 2001), the most effective test may be to determine how many of each party's adherents defected in presidential voting. This comparison is facilitated by the fact that there are only small differences in the issue importance between those in the minority in either party--that is, pro-life Democrats or pro-choice Republicans (Greene and Brians 2001). Those holding minority abortion policy views in a given political party may not defect and vote for the candidate closer to their view because the voters may not see the issue as that important, they may choose to ignore their party's and candidate's views on the issue, or they may not realize they do not hold the dominant view in the party. …

Abstract: Jakobshavn Isbræ (also known as Sermeq Kujalleq or Ilulissat Isbræ) is situated at about 69°10′N and 50°00′W in West Greenland. This major outlet from the Inland Ice has an extremely high rate of movement (nearly 1 m/hour) and thus a high production of icebergs, which via the icefjord float westwards through Disko Bugt to Davis Strait (Fig. 1). Estimates of the iceberg production are in the range of 35 ± 10 km3 ice per year, more than 10% of the entire calf-ice production of the Inland Ice (e.g. Bauer l968; Bindschadler 1984). The icefjord into which Sermeq Kujalleq calves is Kangia, best known in glaciological literature as Jakobshavn Isfjord. Spectacular changes of the glacier were observed during 2002 and 2003 at the same time as it was nominated for inclusion in the UNESCO World Heritage List under the name ‘Ilulissat Icefjord’. Nomination of ‘Ilulissat Icefjord’ and Sermeq Kujalleq

Abstract: Andree Tabouret-Keller: Ordinary metalinguisitic representations in front of nomination, institutionalization and normalization processes. ; Everyday metalinguistic representations are inquired into through talks with a small sample of bilingual French - Patois speakers of an alpine valley belonging to the Occitan domain of Franco-Alpine Provencal. Six topics are explored: differences between French and Patois, speaking and writing, child and adult speech, oral and written discourse, known and foreign languages, ordinary personal and young people's language. The main results concern the centrality of an abstract, unvarying entity called "French", with no further qualification, opposed to an empirical entity, named "Patois", usually indexed by its local origin and linked to some behavioural rules. Naming a language, by way of its' institutionalization, standardization, is seen as the main factor influencing ordinary metalinguistic representations.

Abstract: This research examines both aggregate and individual-level data from the 2000 presidential primaries in order to test: (1) the effect of primary type on the distribution of votes across candidates and the eventual outcome of the state’s primary race; and (2) the extent of strategic voting in more open types of primaries. Multivariate analysis of aggregate primary results suggests that John McCain fared better in states with open or semi-closed primaries. A similar pattern is revealed in California’s “beauty contest” primary. Using ANES data, we also project various primary outcomes under open, semi-closed, and closed scenarios. In both “sincere” and “strategic” models, McCain, but not Bradley, gained in semi-closed and open primaries, but Bush was still the projected Republican winner in all types of primaries. Our analysis of general election behavior shows that independents were the most likely group to switch parties when their preferred primary candidate did not gain the nomination.

Abstract: As the presidential nomination process has become more front-loaded and the New Hampshire primary has been scheduled earlier in the calendar year, a new period in presidential campaign politics has emerged, running from about mid-March until late July, in which both parties' nomination races have been effectively settled, even though neither national convention has yet taken place. This article presents an initial exploration of this period, focused on how and why it emerged, what is distinctive about it, and whether it has any apparent impact on the final outcome.

Abstract: Acquiring the world heritage label, a reward for establishing and preserving an outstanding environment, is often assumed to be an honour for the local population and a useful leverage for the tourist and environmental organisations. However, the case of the Wadden Sea, a trilateral nomination by Denmark, Germany and The Netherlands, makes clear that this is not always true, and public consultation in The Netherlands has revealed that these local stakeholders do not support such a nomination. It seems they epitomise a ‘Not in my back yard’ (NIMBY) approach to World Heritage listing. This discussion paper examines the factors that complicate the nomination process. Contrary to common expectation, why do critical stakeholders, like the tourism industry, local inhabitants and environmental organisations become opponents? What are the interests at stake that subvert the balance of benefits and costs of the world heritage status to the extent that nomination is suspended? Is this phenomenon an exception, or an indication that obtaining the accolade is increasingly assessed from a rational rather than an emotional viewpoint, and that 30 years after the convention which created it the world heritage stamp has lost its uniqueness?

Abstract: The Best American Political Writing 2004 preserves the most incisive, controversial, and entertaining writing about the notable events and people of 2003 and the first half of 2004. The past twelve months have provided no shortage of topics for heated political conversation. From Saddam's capture to Arnold's victory in the California recall election; from the controversy over Iraq's weapons of mass destruction to the contest for the Democratic presidential nomination, 2004 provided an excess of political fodder for commentary from all sides. Selections from the country's finest political writers, including Al Franken, Ron Suskind, Jonathan Chait, Jeffrey Toobin, George Will, Paul Krugman, George Packer, Charles Krauthammer, William Safire, Molly Ivins, Franklin Foer, Spencer Ackerman, Robert Kagan, Bill Kristol, and many others can be found in this volume. Gathering the best writings from the nation's leading publications, including the New York Times, Washington Post, The New Yorker, The Nation, Atlantic Monthly, New Republic, Weekly Standard, Foreign Affairs, Vanity Fair and Salon. com, as well as from think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution, Flippin culls the best writing on the year's most talked-about topics.

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Abstract: Summary.-Research has indicated significant age differences between male and female Academy Award nominees and winners. However, this discrepancy may be associated with sex differences in actors' ages when they first begin their acting careers. The present research uses event history analysis to investigate the duration of Academy Award nominees' careers from career start (first film) to first three Academy Award nominations. Analysis suggested controlling for an actor's age at first film explains the sex-age disparity between Academy Award nominees and winners. In recent years, research has consistently indicated that female actors are significantly younger than male actors when they receive film industry recognition in the form of an Academy Award nomination or win (Levy, 1990; Markson & Taylor, 1993; Gilberg & Hines, 2000). These findings stem from a comparison of the mean age of male and female nominees (or winners) in a given historical period. However, the outcome of sex-age disparities in the nomination process may be moderated by other considerations. For example, to the extent that the awards have some basis on acting skd, the time an entertainer has had to accumulate the skdls may be relevant, a notion to which Gilberg and Hines allude (2000, p. 178). Such consideration is warranted because research on top film actors has shown that female stars tend to be significantly younger than men when they begin their acting careers (Lincoln & Allen, 2004). As this pattern holds for Academy Award nominees (Table 1 below), part of the age disparity between male and female nominees in any given period might be explained by differences in age at the start of their acting careers. The present research uses event history analysis to explore individual actors' career trajectories linearly from first fh to first nomination to assess whether sex-related age disparities arise in the distribution of the awards. By measuring the duration of actors' careers prior to receiving an Academy Award nomination, this research controls for the age at which actors begin their careers. In this way, only the career durations of first-time nominees are compared to each other. For actors who have received multiple nominations, the analysis also examines the duration to second and third nominations. Thus, this research reframes the finding of sex-related disparities in age at