Abstract: In his newly revised and updated fifth edition, West continues his in-depth examination of political advertising in election campaigns. Following advertising's evolution from 1952 to its use in contemporary races, West reveals how candidates plan advertising campaigns, how the media covers those campaigns, and, ultimately, how voters are influenced by them. Taking into account new data and the 2008 campaigns, every chapter has been thoroughly revised and updated. Placing the use of advertising and mass media in historical context, West offers significant updates, including: the face-off between Obama and McCain in the general election; case studies of ad appeals during presidential and Senate campaigns; advertising strategies from the dramatic nomination fight between Clinton and Obama; advertising in congressional elections; material on ad buys, issue-advocacy advertising, and content analyses of campaign ads; and, ad stills aired during the 2008 elections.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to explore the idea that the gender of constituency party presidents makes a difference in the recruitment of women as candidates in federal politics in Canada, notably by examining the attitudes of female and male party gatekeepers towards the presence of women in politics. Two hypotheses inspired us. The first suggests that female presidents are more likely than male presidents to assess candidates using traits more likely to be possessed by women. The second hypothesis proposes that women are more likely than men to support measures for increasing the number of women in politics. The first hypothesis is not confirmed: female presidents do not appreciate feminine traits any more than male presidents. The second is only partly confirmed. Far from being the only variable to influence support for measures promoting women candidates, gender appears to be a secondary determinant when the variables of political party and the feminist consciousness are taken into account. Neverth...

Abstract: This paper explores the uneasy relationship between social movements and major political parties by considering the case of the Christian Right and the Republican Party in the 1994 elections. We look at four states where the movement was active in party politics and where Republican electoral fortunes varied from failure to success. We found that the degree of intraparty division generated by the Christian Right seemed to hurt Republicans at the polls, but the level of movement activity in itself apparently helped the Republicans. Most factors associated with support for the Christian Right did not help account for electoral outcomes across the states. Instead, the accessibility of the political party nomination processes to the movement best accounted for the election results: greater party openness was associated with poor results and more limited access with greater success for the GOP.

Abstract: Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924) was the 28th President of the United States, serving from 1913 to 1921 He was born in Virginia and grew up in Georgia and South Carolina Educated at Davidson and Princeton, he went to law school for a year but then got a PhD in history and political science at Johns Hopkins He taught at Cornell, Bryn Mawr, Wesleyan, and Princeton, where he rose to become President A leader of the Progressive movement, he was elected Governor of New Jersey Two years later, he won the Democratic nomination for the Presidency on the 46th ballot, and defeated sitting President William Howard Taft and former President Theodore Roosevelt in a three-way election with less than 42% of the vote (Source: Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1913))

Abstract: Chapter 1 Prologue: Election Eve, 2000 Chapter 2 The Politics of the Perfect Tie Chapter 3 The Invisible Primary: The Marathon Begins Chapter 4 The Party Nomination: The Three-Way Race Chapter 5 The Interregnum: The Four Faces of Al Gore Chapter 6 The Final Election Campaign: Roller Coaster Chapter 7 The Post-election Campaign: Bush versus Gore Chapter 8 Congressional and State Elections Chapter 9 Electoral Reform Chapter 10 Appendix: Presidential Vote by State, 2000

Abstract: Partisanship and Confirmation Delay On September 19, 1952, Robert Jones, a Republican, announced his retirement from the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Less than a month later, President Truman granted a recess appointment to Eugene Merrill, a Democrat, and forwarded the nomination to the Senate. However, the Senate never took action on Merrill's nomination, and after Eisenhower took office the nomination was withdrawn. Eisenhower nominated John Doerfer, a Republican, to fill Jones' seat. Following Doerfer's confirmation in April, 1952, Merrill stepped down. Few informed FCC observers would disagree that if Eugene Merrill had been quickly confirmed by the Senate in October 1952, FCC history would have been very different. Rather than Doerfer providing a 3-1-3 partisan parity on the commission, Eisenhower would have taken office one step behind in the appointment game, facing a 4-1-2 Democratic majority on the commission. Doerfer was eventually designated by Eisenhower as chairman of the FCC during an explosive and controversial era in broadcasting. It was Doerfer who testified before an incredulous House subcommittee that rigged quiz shows neither violated the law nor required or even merited investigation by the FCC.(1) During his interim service on the commission, Merrill played a deciding role in the controversial ABC-Paramount merger, perhaps the most important case of the decade.(2) Had Doerfer occupied the seat earlier, he likely would have turned the majority to establish a more hands off policy on mergers. By late 1953, Doerfer occupied the seat when the commission decided a multiple-ownership case involving Starer Broadcasting.(3) While the outcome of the Starer opinion did not hinge on Doerfer's vote, the new commissioner's interaction with Starer led to a major conflict-of-interest scandal at the FCC, requiring Doerfer's resignation in 1960. Consequential appointment delay, such as the failure to fill the Jones vacancy, is actually quite common at independent agencies, where the small number of commissioners and statutory restriction on partisan membership make each seat critically important. Yet, practically no one has examined the phenomenon in depth. Under what conditions will the president and Senate fail to fill a vacancy in a timely fashion? These conditions, by definition, affect the voting and opinion-writing dynamics on independent commissions. They may also affect the efficient and effective function of such bodies. Ultimately, they may change the course of an agency by terminating one nomination in favor of a very different candidate. This lack of scholarly attention is ironic, given the very broad discretion afforded to independent agencies, coupled with the near certainty among political scientists that ideological predispositions explain a great deal of the variation in votes by commissioners (Chang 1997; Moe 1982; Snyder and Weingast 2000). A politician who wins confirmation for an ideologically compatible commissioner has probably gone a long way toward ensuring the agency will establish ideologically acceptable policies. Likewise, a politician who successfully defeats an ideological opponent has probably guaranteed that the next nominee will be more acceptable. Knowing who succeeds in the appointment game goes a long way toward explaining who controls the bureaucracy--an enduring issue in the literature (Ferejohn and Shipan 1990; Hammond and Knott 1996; Moe 1982; Wood and Waterman 1994). On the surface, appointments to independent agencies appear almost entirely consensual. Roughly half of all commissioners, when their terms are due to expire, are renominated and easily confirmed. Informal negotiating mechanisms and the lack of senatorial courtesy for most agency appointments make contested roll call votes for confirmation extremely rare. Presidents have obtained confirmation for their formal nominees in well over 95 percent of cases. Much of the conflict over appointments occurs behind the scenes during informal negotiations. …

Abstract: by Helmut Norpoth, SUNY, Stony Brook Having nailed down his party's presidential nomination with an early and decisive victory in the primaries, Al Gore will go on to defeat George W Bush in the general election by a comfortable margin. The Democratic ticket, so the prediction, will take 55% of the major-party popular vote in November, compared to 45% for the Republican one-almost exactly the reverse of what national polls have been showing as late as June of the election year.

Abstract: We consider a model of political competition among two ideological parties who are uncertain about the distribution of voters. The distinguishing feature of the model is that parties can delegate electoral decisions to candidates by nomination. It is shown that if the credible platform commitments of the candidates are feasible, then at least one of the parties nominates in equilibrium to a candidate who has an ideology that is more radical than the delegating party's ideology. In a variety of circumstances, this, in turn, yields a polarization of equilibrium policy choices of the candidates. It is thus argued formally that strategic nomination of the candidates may well be one of the major reasons behind the well documented observation that the platforms associated with the political parties in two-party democracies are often surprisingly polarized.

Abstract: We called for workers, and there came human beings. -- Max Frisch, Swiss playwright, referring to the "guest worker" system in Europe in the 1960s and 1970s (in Calavita, 1992: 6). Even if we take [unjust social arrangements] as givens for purposes of immediate action in a particular context, we should not forget about our assessment of their fundamental character. Otherwise, we wind up legitimating what should only be endured (Carens, 2000: 636). SIMILAR BOUNDARY-RELATED CONTROVERSIES MARKED THE BEGINNINGS OF THE George W. Bush and Bill Clinton presidential eras. Both concerned female nominees to cabinet positions and their relationships to "illegal" immigrant women. In the case of Bill Clinton, it came to light that his first nominee for attorney general, Zoe Baird, employed two unauthorized immigrants from Peru as domestic servants -- a common "crime" among two-career, professional couples (see Chang, 2000). Ultimately, public and official pressures forced Baird to withdraw her nomination. A little less than eight years later, George W. Bush's original nominee for secretary of labor, conservative columnist Linda Chavez, felt compelled to withdraw her nomination after it became known that she had provided housing and money to Marta Mercado. At the time, Mercado was an unauthorized immigrant from Guatemala who, in return for what the nominee characterized as acts of charity, performed a variety of household tasks for Chavez. Ironically, Chavez had been highly critical of Zoe Baird in 1993 for employing an "illegal" (Holmes and Greenhouse, 2001). The controversies surrounding these cabinet-level nominations are merely two of the more high-profile examples of the power of the territorial and social boundaries that divide and bring together the United States, Mexico, and the rest of the world, illustrating their blurry and simultaneously "real" nature. The ongoing efforts by the federal government to enhance the effectiveness of U.S.-Mexico boundary enforcement are a manifestation and producer of the power of these boundaries. This article provides an overview and critique of different explanations for the dramatic increase of such efforts beginning in the 1990s. It examines how these developments form part of an age of globalization that is supposedly making national boundaries phenomena of the past. To the extent that the forces of globalization engender increasing movement of peoples and give rise to the perception of growing sociocultural and economic insecurity on the part of many in countries that are relatively wealthy, they can actually serve to strengthen territorial boundaries. This is especially true along the divides between the relatively rich and poor. The Origins of the Border War According to representatives of the federal government and their defenders, the buildup along the U.S.-Mexico border is part of a long-overdue response to a boundary "out of control" and a crisis of lawlessness in the border region (see, e.g., U.S. INS, 1997, and Bersin, 1996). This is, of course, too simple. Fortunately, recent work by a number of scholars sheds much-needed light on the origins of these developments. Christian Parenti (1999), for example, contends in Lockdown America that "La Migra's War" is part of a larger nationwide, law-and-order crackdown that is reflected in the boom in the U.S. prison population, the growth of militarized policing, and the federalization of the wars on crime and drugs. (1) He convincingly argues that these developments have their origins in the 1960s and early 1970s, when conservative politicians began waging a law-and-order campaign in response to the Civil Rights Movement and growing political dissent. (2) It was also a response by U.S. elites to a larger socioeconomic crisis that involved falling profit rates, increasing economic competition from abroad, and deindustrialization, as well as growing labor unrest as indicated by a rise in strikes by U. …

Abstract: An unequal distribution of decision-making positions remains a largely shared tradition of liberal democracies.1 Brief glimpses into gender representation statistics of both national and international decision-making structures reveal institutional practices that have proven difficult to change. But these practices are increasingly being recognized for what they are, problems of democracy. Debates on political representation have multiplied in both national politics and at United Nations, European Union, and Council of Europe conferences and commissions. In many European parties a new set of ineasures has been introduced to promote access for women to decision-making bodies, ranging from target figures (via quotas) to ticket balancing. In France, the parity movement has obtained an amendment to the French constitution that simply and boldly asserts the equal right of access to decision-making, a principle that in turn is to be applied through detailed regulations of political nomination and election processes.

Abstract: Speaking during the platform debate at the 1896 Democratic convention, Nebraska's famous orator William Jennings Bryan delivered his impassioned speech, “A Cross of Gold” This speech employed the radical's rhetorical technique of polarization The currency question became a flag issue that symbolized the gulfs between the rich and the poor and between the East and the West Although many authorities believe, perhaps correctly, that this speech gained him the nomination for President of the United States, Bryan did not adapt to the greater diversity of interests and viewpoints of the national audience

Abstract: IN A SEMINAL ARTICLE ON 'The Widening Gap Between the Military and Society,' Thomas E. Ricks of the Wall Street Journal asserted that: 'The military appears to be becoming politically less representative of society, with a long-term downward trend in the number of officers willing to identify themselves as liberals. Open identification with the Republican Party is becoming the norm.'(1) The Ricks thesis, introduced in his Atlantic Monthly article and developed more fully in a subsequent book, served as an important landmark in the most recent debates about a core issue in democratic governance: the relationship between the military and the society they are trained and pledged to defend. Ricks located sources of the civil-military gap in fundamental changes in the nature of American society, as fewer civilians have any military experience; in the security environment following the disintegration of the Soviet Union; and in the military itself.(2) Although Ricks's analysis ranged widely over many aspects of the relationship between the military and society, this article focuses on two questions: does systematic evidence sustain his assertions about the politicization of the United States military? Even if it does, is that finding of any real consequence? Partisanship involving military elites is not unknown in American history. During the early years of the republic, appointments to key positions in the military often reflected party loyalties.(3) Outstanding military careers served as springboards to the presidency for George Washington, Andrew Jackson, U.S. Grant, and Dwight D. Eisenhower. Lesser military careers helped to elect William Henry Harrison and Zachary Taylor to the White House. Although their military exploits during the Civil War were less well known, three Republican candidates who had served as Union officers in that conflict - Rutherford B. Hayes, James A. Garfield, and William McKinley - gained some electoral advantage in running against candidates of a party that was associated, fairly or not, with the southern secession. Finally, several generals ran unsuccessfully for the presidency while still in uniform. Whig Winfield Scott was trounced by Franklin Pierce in 1852; Democrat George B. McClellan lost to Abraham Lincoln during the wartime election of 1864; Leonard Wood narrowly lost the Republican nomination in 1920; and Douglas MacArthur did little to discourage the enthusiasm of his Republican backers in 1948 and, after his retirement, in 1952. These examples notwithstanding, the growth of military professionalism during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries established norms against partisan political activity by military officers. This aspect of professionalism is effectively summarized in an essay on military ethics by a retired colonel. 'The ideal of remaining above politics grew finally to embrace the notion that regulars should refrain from affiliating with particular political parties and even refrain from voting. The rationale was that the professional military must loyally serve the nation, regardless of whom political vicissitudes bring to the presidency or Congress, and that political involvement could be seen as compromising the impartiality of professional military advice.'(4) The examples of George C. Marshall and Dwight D. Eisenhower, two of a handful of World War II five star generals, are instructive. Marshall never even voted, and he let it be known that doing so would have run contrary to his conception of professionalism. Eisenhower was courted by leaders of both major political parties - President Harry Truman even offered to step aside if Eisenhower wanted the 1948 Democratic presidential nomination - and his preference for the Republican party was not known until he decided to seek the presidency in 1952. As suggested by this very sketchy overview, if the United States military is indeed becoming more politicized, that would represent a significant step back from professional norms against partisanship. …

Abstract: The way executive branch officials are nominated and confirmed these days seems to please none of the people, none of the time. Presidential supporters contend that senators are so ideologically charged and so concerned with reelection that they block presidential nominations "for reasons that have nothing to do with the nominee, and everything to do with some unrelated dispute between president and Senate."' Congressional supporters counter that the real problem is that presidents are so obsessed with their public opinion ratings and legacy that they misuse their nomination and appointment powers to curry favor with special interest groups and to push the nation in impolitic directions.2 And those who, favoring neither branch, merely want a healthy democracy fear that the federal appointment process recently has strayed too far from its constitutional roots.3 In an effort

Abstract: Ambition theory identifies political experience as a major correlate of holding higher office. We explore the possibility that under certain conditions, political experience may do little to promote election. Specifically, in runoff primaries experience may not promote a candidate's prospects for nomination. When an experienced candidate, such as a former state legislator, fails to win a majority in the initial primary, it may indicate that any advantages derived from experience have been discounted by the electorate. The relationship between experience and runoff election success is explored using 87 U.S. House elections from 1982 through 1994. The evidence shows that in runoffs experienced candidates who led their primaries have no advantage, while the greater the experience of the primary runner-up, the more likely it is that the front-runner will be nominated.

Abstract: I INTRODUCTION The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games left Australia with a legacy that extends beyond the sporting, cultural and artistic boundaries that are commonly assumed to arise as a result of a nation hosting the Olympic Games. The Games saw a greater number of disputes over selection to national teams than had occurred for any previous sporting event,l The resolution of these disputes between competitors and their associations is conducted according to a set of distinct legal rules, dictated by the International Olympic Committee, which may not bear any relationship to domestic legislation. Given the traditional hostility of the courts to the infringement of their sovereignty,: the expectation of immunity for international federations from interference by domestic courts has the potential to cause great tension.(3) This tension is best illustrated by a situation where domestic competitors seek to challenge their non-selection for Olympic teams and yet are denied recourse to their domestic courts to have their disputes decided. In August 2000, the New South Wales Court of Appeal handed down the first Australian judgment in relation to an appeal from the Court of Arbitration for Sport (`CAS').(4) The threshold issue in the appeal was whether or not the Supreme Court had jurisdiction under the Commercial Arbitration Act 1984 (NSW) (`the Act') to entertain the appeal. The answer to this hinged on the application of s 38 of the Act, which sets out the circumstances in which leave to appeal from an arbitral award may be granted, and s 40 of the Act, which sets out the circumstances in which the court's jurisdiction may be excluded.(5) II BACKGROUND TO THE DISPUTE The case centred on a dispute between two `judokas' (judo competitors) -- Angela Raguz and Rebecca Sullivan -- both vying for the position of Australian representative at the Olympic Games in the women's under 52kg judo category. In May 2000 the Judo Federation of Australia (`JFA') nominated Raguz for selection as a member of the Australian Olympic Team in the women's under 52kg judo category. Raguz signed various documents, the key document being a `Selection Agreement', which formed a binding agreement to submit any nomination disputes exclusively to arbitration, including appellate arbitration before the CAS in accordance with the Code of Sports-Related Arbitration (`Code'). Sullivan, one of the other potential nominees for the team, alleged that the nomination criteria had not been properly followed and/or implemented and that, as she ranked higher than Raguz, she should have been the nominated athlete. Sullivan had also signed the same documentation as Raguz. Sullivan challenged Raguz's nomination by appealing to the JFA's Appeal Tribunal(6) on 24 June 2000. The Tribunal found in favour of Raguz on 12 July 2000. Sullivan then appealed this decision to the CAS. Sullivan lodged her application for appeal at the Oceania Registry in Sydney, on 19 July 2000. A panel was appointed and a preliminary conference held, also in Sydney. An Order of Procedure, made pursuant to this conference, stated that the seat of arbitration was Switzerland and that the substantive law of the dispute was the law of New South Wales. The CAS upheld Sullivan's appeal, finding that the nomination criteria had not been properly followed and/or implemented. Accordingly, the JFA was ordered to nominate her to the Australian Olympic Committee instead of Raguz. Raguz then sought leave to appeal the CAS award to the Supreme Court of New South Wales. III THE LEGISLATIVE SCHEME Section 38 of the Act confers jurisdiction on the Supreme Court to entertain an appeal on a question of law arising out of an award if all the parties to the arbitration agreement consent, or, if the Supreme Court grants leave. The relevant paragraphs of s 38 provide: (2) Subject to subsection (4), an appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court on any question of law arising out of an award . …

Abstract: This article examines the impact of an Academy Award nomination and award for best picture, best actor/actress, and best supporting actor/actress on a film's (i) market share of theaters, (ii) average revenue per screen, and (iii) its probability of survival. The model is estimated using weekly box-office data for a matched sample of nominated and non-nominated films. The results indicate substantial financial benefits for a nomination and award for best picture and best actor/actress. The structure of rewards is consistent with that found in two-stage, single-elimination tournaments.

Abstract: "VICE PRESIDENT CHENEY to Wield Unusual Power," said the headline on the jump page of a Washington Post story published late last year. The article speculated that George W. Bush's vice president would function as the government's CEO, with the president serving as chairman of the board. "Cheney to Play a Starring Role on Capitol Hill" proclaimed a front page New York Times article a week earlier. "Prime Minister Cheney?" asked the Economist on the cover of its year-end issue. What was going on in the high temples of conventional wisdom as George W. Bush prepared to become the forty-third president of the United States? A certain amount of hype, perhaps. But these stories do reflect the enhanced role Richard Cheney will play in the new administration. Both because of the depth and breadth of his political experience (former White House chief of staff, former defense secretary, former member of the House leadership) and the political climate that awaits him (a 50-50 party split in the U.S. Senate), Cheney is poised to play a role unparalleled for a vice president. How involved in the administration he will be was much in evidence during the transition. But this enhanced status and influence are not entirely a product of the particulars of Cheney's resume. They also reflect the increased power and influence the vice presidency has taken on in the past 50 years. Bush, by his own admission, had this in mind when he selected Cheney as his running mate primarily because of his experience in government. The vice presidency has come a long way since Nelson Rockefeller dismissed it as "standby equipment." Now, vice presidents are senior advisors to the president, sometimes with a policy portfolio of their own, always as an integral part of an administration, and usually as an estimable political figure. By lore and tradition, vice presidents may command little respect. But based on their influence in recent years, they deserve far more. This change has gone underappreciated, though its manifestations are everywhere. Pundits and politicians alike reflect the elevation of the office's status when they speak of a Bush-Quayle or a Clinton-Gore administration. Their counterparts in generations past never saw juxtaposed the names "Hoover-Curtis" or "Truman-Barkley" on anything other than campaign posters. What accounts for the growing importance of the office of vice president? Several factors, including the age of jet travel, the power of television, cold war tensions, growing demands on the president's time -- and, in a compressed period of time, a half dozen presidential illnesses, a presidential assassination, attempts on the lives of others, the resignation of a president, and impeachment. Each of these episodes brought increased attention to the nation's second highest office and the qualifications of the person filling it. Since the office was created, one Out of four vice presidents, whether through election in their own right or through death or resignation, became president. Every vice president elected or appointed since 1952 (Nixon, Johnson, Humphrey, Ford, Mondale, Quayle, Gore), except for two, either became a major party nominee for president or contended for the designation. (One of the two, Nelson Rockefeller, had competed for the GOP presidential nomination before and might have again, had Gerald Ford not appointed him vice president.) Two unsuccessful vice presidential candidates, Henry Cabot Lodge and Edmund S. Muskie, took a stab at their party's presidential nomination. A third, Bob Dole, received it. All told, an office once deemed a political backwater has evolved into a recruitment field for presidents. Recent history shows that when presidential nominees select their running mates, they are also designating the "favorite" for their party's nomination four or eight years hence or even beyond. It was for all these reasons that in 2000, both major contenders took more care in the selection of their running mates than their predecessors. …

Abstract: The Liberal Republican Party of 1872 combined ‘genteel’ intellectuals such as Charles Eliot Norton and E.L. Godkin with hardened politicos like Horace Greeley. It serves therefore as a window on the political thought of Norton and Godkin at a moment when their ideas were tested by exposure to the real world of practical politics. The two men's revulsion at the nomination of Greeley and the debasing of the reform cause exposed their underlying conservatism during this time.

Abstract: 1. Defining the Electorate. Expanding the Franchise. Property and the Vote. Race and the Vote. Women and the Vote. A Uniform Voting Age. Registration. Remaining Differences. Apportionment and Districting. Apportioning Seats. Magnitude. Designing Districts. At-large Elections: The Local Alternative. 2. Getting on the Ballot. The Nomination. A Brief History. The View from the Top: Reforming the Nomination System. The Primaries. The Caucus. The Convention. Term Limits. Applying the Rules to Minor Parties and Independent Candidates. 3. The Money Constituency. Campaign Contributions at the Federal Level. The Federal Election Act. Public Funding in Presidential Elections. Soft Money: the Big Loophole. Campaign Contributions at the State level. Campaign Contributions at the Local Level. 4. Campaigning to Election Day. The Election Calendar. Reporting and Spending the Money. Reporting Requirements. Spending Limits. Campaigns and the Media. 5. Casting and Counting the Ballots. Casting the Ballot. The Australian Ballot. Ballot position. Opening and Closing the Polls. Ballot Medium. Election Night and Beyond. Counting the Votes. Recounting the Votes. 6. A Special Case Study: Campaigning and the Electoral College. Introduction: Electoral College in American History. The Selection of Electors. The Election. Who Benefits? Who Loses? Campaigning Under the Electoral College. Reform of the Electoral College. Conclusion.

Abstract: Labor achieved considerable electoral success in 2000 as it helped deliver the Democratic presidential nomination to Al Gore and enabled Gore to carry vital battleground states in the general election. Unions were defeated on the China Trade Bill, and after the 2000 election a Republican Party hostile to organized labor controlled both Congress and the White House.

Abstract: This study concerns social change in the Gabra, a peripheral pastoralist group in Kenya, brought about by the 1 997 general election. Supporters of an unsuccessful candidate in the nomination process tried to unite the Algana, one of the phratries of the Gabra, against the elected person, who belonged to another phratry, in the election. This paper analyzes the supporters' attempts to mobilize people and unite the phratry, paying attention to their discourse and behavior. By participating in the election, Gabra society greatly changed. This paper also examines social change from two different points: in methods of manipulating others and the nature of the boundary of the phratry, which suggested the transition of Gabra society from ethnie to modern political-ethnic unit.

Abstract: The successful nomination of Waverley Park to the Victorian Historic Register proved as controversial as the stadium was during its thirty-year existence. The nomination was accepted primarily on the grounds of the social historical value of the site, rather than its architectural or engineering qualities, but in fact a range of different social histories were in conflict during the registration process. Four of the social histories involved are outlined and their influence on the outcome assessed. Some of the implications for the evaluation of sporting heritage sites emerge therefrom (Hay, R., Lazenby, C., Lewis, N., Haig-Muir, M., Mewett, P., 2001).

Abstract: Throughout his political life--and especially during his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1976--thousands of people were drawn to Arizona congressman Morris K. Udall. This biography traces the remarkable career of the candidate who was "too funny to be president" and introduces readers to Mo the politician, Mo the environmentalist, and Mo the man. 16 halftones.

Abstract: We consider a model of political competition among two ideological parties who are uncertain about the distribution of voters. The distinguishing feature of the model is that parties can delegate electoral decisions to candidates by nomination. It is shown that if the credible platform commitments of the candidates are feasible, then at least one of the parties nominates in equilibrium to a candidate who has an ideology that is more radical than the delegating party's ideology. In a variety of circumstances, this, in turn, yields a polarization of equilibrium policy choices of the candidates. It is thus argued formally that strategic nomination of the candidates may well be one of the major reasons behind the well documented observation that the platforms associated with the political parties in two-party democracies are often surprisingly polarized.

Abstract: In 1998 a 260-kilometer stretch of the Loire River—and its adjoining parklands, vineyards, châteaux, churches, abbeys and prehistoric sites—from Sully-sur-Loire to Chalonnes, was nominated by the government of France as a World Heritage Site. Because of the enormity of the designated site, the newness of UNESCO’s ‘cultural landscape’ classification, and concerns about nuclear power generation along the river, this nomination stalled in the international committee. French officials turned to digital media as a way of explaining the merits of their nomination, and as an aid for coordinating multiple agencies’ efforts in plans for the region’s future.