Abstract: List of Tables and Figures Prologue Acknowledgments * From Essential to the Existence of Our Institutions to Rapacious Enemies of Honest and Responsible Government: The Rise and Fall of American Political Parties, 17902000 Joel H. Silbey * State Party Organization: Strengthened and Adapting to Candidate-Centered Politics and Nationalization John F. Bibby * National Party Organization at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century Paul S. Herrnson * Party Identification and the Electorate at the Start of the Twenty-first Century Warren E. Miller (Updated by Kenneth Goldstein and Mark Jones) * Competing for Attention and Votes: The Role of State Parties in Setting Presidential Nomination Rules Bruce E. Cain and Megan Mullin * Party Role in Congressional Competition L. Sandy Maisel, Cherie Maestas, and Walter J. Stone * Following the (Soft) Money: Party Advertisements in American Elections Michael Franz and Kenneth Goldstein * Political Parties in the Era of Soft Money Ray La Raja * Political Parties in the Media: Where Elephants and Donkeys Are Pigs Matthew Robert Kerbel * Congressional Parties and the Policy Process Barbara Sinclair * Governing by Coalition: Policymaking in the U.S. Congress David W. Brady and Kara Z. Buckley * Partisan Presidential Leadership: The Presidents Appointees G. Calvin Mackenzie * Subtle Shifts, Dramatic Days: What the Plate Tectonics of American Politics Say About the Country and Its Future David M. Shribman References Biographies About the Editor and Contributors

Abstract: This article explores the negative campaign messages made by presi dential nomination candidates on their opponents. Using a compilation of national and state media accounts of candidate attack activity from the 1992 Democratic nomination race, we seek to answer the questions -- are the intermediated attacks made by presidential nomination candidates random events or are they predictable consequences of measurable vari ables ? Moreover, when candidates attack, who is their likely target? We find that intermediated candidate attacks can be predicted based on a number of conditions. Among these conditions are competitive position ing, reward factors and media-related conditions. Moreover, the general foci of attacks appear to be limited to attacking those who are competi tively in the top tier. Attacks vary both in their frequency and in their nature depending on the competitive stage of the campaign. The system atic evaluation of these opponent-focused negative messages and their role in candidate strategy...

Abstract: Theory: The divisive primary hypothesis asserts that the more divisive the presidential primary contest compared to that of the other party the fewer votes received in the general election. Thus the party candidate with the most divisive primary will have a more difficult general election fight. However, studies at the presidential level have failed to consider candidate quality, prior vulnerability of the incumbent president or his party, the national nature of the presidential race, and the unique context of each presidential election campaign. Once these factors are taken into account presidential primaries should have a more marginal or even nonexistent effect in understanding general election outcomes. Hypothesis: Including appropriate controls for election year context in a state-by-state model and creating a national model that controls for election year context, candidate quality, and the nature of the times should diminish the effect of nomination divisiveness on general election outcomes. Methods: Regression analysis is used to examine the effect of presidential divisive nomination campaigns on general election outcomes. Results: Once election year context in the state-by-state model is controlled for, divisiveness has a much more modest effect. This modest effect does not appear to change general election outcomes. In addition, the election year model, which posits that presidential elections are national elections and not state-by-state elections, indicated that divisiveness was not significantly different from zero.

Abstract: This article explores two approaches to campaign coverage in order to estimate their relative importance to state and national media coverage levels during presidential nomination campaigns: the horse race account and the campaign account. Using news coverage data from a sample of 21 state newspapers, three national newspapers, and the ABC World News Tonight, multivariate models of state and national candidate news coverage levels are estimated. The findings, although confirming the conventional wisdom that candidates who do well gain more media attention, also suggest that candidate activity can make a difference and that candidate factors can have a significant influence, whereas structural factors, such as the number of candidates competing, appear to have little influence on how the national and state media determine their distribution of coverage when other factors are present. Moreover, the state news media are strongly influenced by performance factors, but these are felt primarily through the prim...

Abstract: Norman Vieira and Leonard Gross provide an in-depth analysis of the political and legal framework surrounding the confirmation process for Supreme Court nominees. President Ronald Reagan's nomination of Judge Robert Bork to the Supreme Court met with a fierce opposition that was apparent in his confirmation hearings, which were different in many ways from those of any previous nominee. This behind-the-scenes view of the politics and personalities involved in the Bork confirmation controversy provides a framework for future debates regarding the confirmation process. To help establish that framework, Vieira and Gross examine the similarities as well as the differences between the Bork confirmation battle and other confirmation proceedings for Supreme Court nominees.

Abstract: Recent studies suggest that what the political talk radio hosts say on the air can shape the political orientations of their audiences. Drawing on data from a panel survey conducted in 1996, I examined the "Limbaugh effect" during the GOP presidential nomination campaign. My findings cast doubt on popular assumptions about the power of Limbaugh's words. Despite weeks of listening to Limbaugh criticize Pat Buchanan, members of the audience were no more likely to harbor negative feelings toward the candidate than were nonlisteners.

Abstract: Despite Franklin D. Roosevelt's landslide victory, few elections have held more lasting significance for political scientists, historians, and communication scholars than the presidential election of 1932. Never before had one issue--the Great Depression--so dominated an election. Herbert Hoover went from a landslide victory in 1928 to a humiliating defeat just four years later. The transformation of the national government from Hoover's brand of "rugged individualism" to Roosevelt's "New Deal" changed American politics forever. The election of 1932 also had a significant effect on the concept of the rhetorical presidency.(1) The campaign gave the nation a very clear choice: a traditional administrative president or a modern rhetorical one. Overwhelmingly, the electorate chose the latter. The success of Roosevelt's fireside chats and emotional leadership, compared with Hoover's quiet behind-the-scenes workmanship, solidified the rhetorical presidency as the norm for every president thereafter. The 1932 election was also a turning point in the field of political campaign communications. Hoover was the first incumbent president to go "out on the stump" and campaign actively for the presidency, "paving the way" for the presidents that followed him.(2) Hoover's stumping efforts helped make the campaign of 1932 one in which the amount of public speaking far exceeded the norm for the era: Roosevelt gave "some 113 prepared speeches and Hoover almost as many."(3) Radio, which had been used to a smaller extent in previous campaigns but was now a major aspect of national campaigns, was present in more than 12 million homes by 1932.(4) Thus, the common practice of candidates giving the same speech with slight variations at each campaign stop had to be changed due to a nationwide audience that was now able to listen to every word of every major speech.(5) Finally, Roosevelt ran "the first truly modem, well-organized presidential campaign,"(6) which included a then unprecedented, but now standard, personal appearance at the national convention to accept his party's nomination. The study of presidential oratory has traditionally focused on a handful of presidents whose rhetoric has been analyzed and critiqued throughout the years.(7) Unlike his opponent in the election, the study of Hoover's rhetoric is severely limited: not a single journal article deals specifically with the presidential rhetoric of Herbert Hoover.(8) This seems particularly unfortunate considering Hoover failed as a rhetorical president during a national crisis, the Great Depression--a unique situation that seems to warrant study. In addition, Hoover's presidency continues to be "reassessed" and the notion that perhaps he was not as apathetic and inept as popularly believed is gaining support.(9) Thus, the election of 1932, and specifically the role of Hoover's communication during the campaign, certainly justifies examination. This article is a study of the nine major radio addresses Hoover gave during the 1932 campaign. I argue that Hoover waged his entire campaign not to win, for he knew he had no chance to win, but rather to defend his administration, his character, and his view of government. The genre of self-defense, what classical rhetoricians termed apologia, will be applied not only to reveal the motives and strategies that Hoover incorporated into his campaign speeches but also to explain how his misuse of apologia contributed to his failure. Hoover's Presidential Years, 1928-32 Hoover won the presidency in 1928 after many years of service to his country. He followed two Republican presidents, Harding and Coolidge, who had collectively steered the country through the prosperous 1920s. Hoover was considered the best candidate to "symbolize the tranquillity, prosperity, and purity"(10) of the times. The Republican's optimism was exemplified by the infamous "a chicken in every pot" campaign slogan. …

Abstract: t is a damp Wednesday night in December, and I am trying to decide whether Alan Aker is dangerous. He is a state senator from Rapid City, South Dakota, who is seeking the Republican nomination to challenge U.S. Senator Tom Daschle, D-S.D., in the November 1998 election. According to an article my mom clipped from a Rapid City newspaper, Aker believes that "the entire concept of the Indian reservation is a failure." The article also quotes from a letter to the editor he penned:

Abstract: We examine how differences in the institutions that regulate candidate nomination procedures--specifically direct primary election laws--affect the types of candidates elected in non-Presidential American elections. We hypothesize that in more closed primary systems, control over candidate nominations by ideological extremists will translate into a higher likelihood that extreme candidates win in the general election. We hypothesize that in more open systems, participation by a wider spectrum of the electorate means that candidates must appeal to more moderate voters, leading to the election of more moderate candidates. Using pooled cross-section time-series regression analysis, we find that US Representatives from states with closed primaries take policy positions that are furthest from their districts' estimated median voter's ideal positions. Representatives from states with semi-closed primaries are the most moderate. We conclude that the costs of strategic behavior created by electoral institutions have important consequences for electoral outcomes.

Abstract: choose the CMF. To prevent management and the board from controlling the CMF nominations and restricting owners’ choices, the system should allow any shareholder to name a CMF to go on the ballot. A proliferation of frivolous entries seeking free advertising could be prevented by charging an up-front fee for each nomination. I suggest that the number of candidate CMFs on the ballot would ideally be between 2 and 10. Having an outside entity nominate directors need not preclude nominations via the existing mechanisms of the board’s nominating committee and the occasional opposing slate from a dissident shareholder group, but shareholders need to know the source of the nominations to decide which of them to support. With that information, shareholders are likely to favor those nominated by the CMF they have chosen.

Abstract: The transcripts from the reopened hearings on Clarence Thomas's nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court illustrate patriarchal discourse. This article shows how such discourse thematizes men's roles as protectors, providers, and power wielders while relying heavily on distinctions between the public and private spheres.

Abstract: Presidential Elections in the Television Age Clinton Becomes a Strong Incumbent The Battle for the Republican Nomination The Seven Month General Election Campaign Conclusions and Epilogue Bibliography Index

Abstract: Recent efforts to revive the reputation of the late Richard M. Nixon have understandably omitted mention of the legacy he had intended to bestow upon the nation's highest court. When Nixon nominated Judge G. Harrold Carswell to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1970, a howl of protest erupted over the judge's competence to sit on the High Bench. The Dean of Yale Law School remarked that the judge possessed "more slender credentials than any other nominee put forth this century."I Spurned by fellow Republican Judge Elbert P. Tuttle, his widely-respected colleague on the Fifth Circuit of the U.S. Court of Appeals,2 and regarded by Judge John Minor Wisdom, another colleague and also another Republican, as a "lightweight,"3 Carswell was the only Supreme Court nominee in decades whose confirmation turned to a considerable extent on whether or not he

Abstract: In this report we present and discuss an unpublished letter written by Santiago Ramon y Cajal in October 1904 in relation to his possible nomination for the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine. This letter shows that Cajal was aware of his previous nominations for the Prize. He was convinced that these nominations had not been successful because neither anatomy nor histology were among the sciences included in the Nobel Statutes' definition of Physiology or Medicine. He gives a list of the merits he thought might be used for a new nomination, which included only works concluded during the previous five years.

Abstract: In 1688 James II’s government attempted to pack parliament by extensively remodelling local office-holding. This article uses the records of the Hull corporation, in particular a newly-discovered letterbook, to re-examine the campaign’s impact on one large freeman borough. It concludes that, although government agents failed to browbeat the mayor and aldermen into nominating suitable candidates, their royally-appointed successors would almost certainly have secured the election of ‘right’ M.P.s. By focusing on the presumed intractability of voter opinion, historians have overlooked the government’s potentially far more productive intervention in the nomination process. Indeed, if Hull’s experience is typical, James’s campaign was by no means predestined to fail.

Abstract: Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies. As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe. Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.

Abstract: In 1993, Japanese politics entered a period of turmoil and upheaval. Along with a variety of coalition governments and the creation of new political parties, promises of various types of reform have been legion. The first major reform of this period was the decision in 1994 to create a new election system for Japan. Reformers promised that the single-member districts of this new system would lead to the creation of two centrist political parties. They also promised that these two parties would contest elections based on issues, presenting voters a real choice between two mainstream parties. The results of the first election held under this system in 1996 raise doubts about the promised effects of the reforms. In a series of 49 interviews with politicians and campaign operatives conducted in seven of Japan's 47 prefectures, I found that politicians have not been campaigning based on issues. The promised change did not occur for three reasons. First is the continuity of many strict campaign regulations in Japan that make it difficult for candidates to make any general appeal (issue-oriented or otherwise) to the voters. Second, the drawing of district boundaries for the new single-member election districts created opportunities for politicians to switch parties opportunistically in order to secure a party nomination in their preferred district. This switching undercut the already weak claims of significant ideological or policy differences among the parties. Third, new district boundaries separated

Abstract: Abstract Luigi Colombo (1904-36) began his artistic and literary career in Turin when, in 1922, he published a small volume of political poetry and exhibited his first paintings. In 1923 he was one of the founding members of the Futurist Artistic Syndicate, and from 1924 he became the leader of a Turin branch of the Futurist movement, using from now on his mother ‘s maiden name as his nom de plume. Over the next ten years he built up a wide-ranging CEuvre which extended into many media, such as painting, poetry, drama, the novel, architecture, interior design, ceramics, fashion design, and cooking. The guiding principle behind Fillia ‘s multifaceted activities was the Futurist ‘Reconstruction of the Universe ‘, which he elucidated in a number of theoretical writings.1 His publishing ventures and managerial activities made him, especially in the 1930s, one of the most important members of the Futurist movement, eclipsed only by Marinetti and Prampolini. He was a chief architect of the dominant aesthetic trends of the Second Futurist phase: first ane meccanica, then arte sacra and aeropittura.

Abstract: Abstract On the night of November 12, 1906, six days after the election of Charles Evans Hughes as governor of New York, the successful candidates of the Independence League and the Democratic state ticket honored William Randolph Hearst with an impressive banquet at Delmonico’s. They surely had ample reasons to do so. Because the just concluded contest for leadership in New York had far-reaching political ramifications-the winner being a likely contender for the presidential nomination in 1908-Hearst had attracted considerable attention from national periodicals, whose editors had, in turn, assigned prominent journalists to evaluate his life and ideas. Although James Creelman, who was no longer an employee of the American, wrote a favorable appraisal in Pearsons Magazine, Hearst suffered scathing criticisms in a four-part series by Frederick Palmer in Colliers and by Lincoln Steffens in The American Magazine, so much so that Hearst advised his mother that “those articles are outrageous Don’t read them.

Abstract: Why, given a strong presumption of success, do some presidential nominations fail? Of 1,464 important nominations from 1965 to 1994, less than 5% failed. Ninety-four percent of failures were rejected or withdrawn before reaching the floor, suggesting that opponents are most effective during prefloor stages. We propose a theoretical framework based on the notion that policy entrepreneurs pursue their goals within the context of a presumption of success. Logit analysis tends to support the theory that entrepreneurs can alter the presumption of success and defeat a nomination if they (1) identify negative information about a nominee to provide a rationale for changing the presumption and (2) expand the conflict through committee hearings and the media. Presidential resources—high public approval and efforts to signal that the nomination is a high priority—increase the chances of confirmation. Contrary to previous research, divided government has no independent effect on the fate of nominations.