Abstract: The midterm elections of 1994 sent Bill Clinton a message that he listened to and acted on. The change could be seen in the President's metamorphosis on policy and politics. Some agreed and some disagreed with this chameleon-like behaviour, but the end result was re-election in 1996. Not since FDR had a Democrat been elected to a second term. The paradox of the election is that in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, the Republicans remained firmly in power. This book explores the concatenation of circumstances that produced the election results of 1996. It examines the complexities of the election and the underlying themes that played a part in creating the dichotomous political outcome. Contributions include: an analysis of the first Clinton administration and the apparent realignment of 1994; an examination of the nomination process, the Republican challengers, the scripted conventions and the third-party and independent candidates; and a survey of public opinion and the voter's response to the public personas of the candidates.

Abstract: We examine the presidential nominees' choice of running mate in each election since 1940, when Franklin Roosevelt established a precedent by naming his own. To analyze the 22 choices made from the pool of 127 serious possibilities, we employ a discrete choice model. We find that the presidential nominee's choice is explained primarily by the size of the prospective vice president's state, by whether the running mate finalist was a rival for the nomination, and by the balance in age for the ticket.

Abstract: Women are urtderrepresented among candidates and elected officials at all levels of government in Japan. This analysis examines the relative effects of electoral system, district magnitude, candidate opportunity, party nomination, and the political mobilization of women in recent Japanese elections. Empirical findings from tests of hypotheses against district level data from elections to the Upper House and Lower House of the Japanese Diet, Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly, and Tokyo Special Ward assemblies are reported. Although the analysis indicates that institutional factors fail to account for the underrepresentation, it also shows that recent elections have been crucial thresholds in increasing women's representation.

Abstract: One of the central questions about American presidential nominations concerns the effects of candidate spending on the outcomes of primaries and caucuses. This issue lies at the heart of normative concerns relating to political equality and access, representation, and democratic constraint on the presidency. Despite its importance, however, a good deal remains unclear about the extent to which, and under what conditions, money influences presidential nomination contest results. In this paper we explore these questions by testing a multivariate model of nomination outcomes in which we isolate the effects of spending on votes, controlling for the impact of other variables known to be important to the process. We find that candidate spending is an important component of success in the struggle for the presidential nomination. The relationship between spending and vote outcomes, however, is mitigated by other forces inherent in the battle.

Abstract: Foreword Richard P. Nathan Acknowledgments Part I. The Lure of the Constitutional Convention 1. Introduction: The Scope of the Study 2. Why Study the Convention--And How Part II. The Road to the '67 Convention 3. The Call of the Convention 4. The Delegates: Their Nomination and Election 5. Preparing for the Convention 6. Open for Business Part III. The Convention at Work: Drafting the Charter 7. Procedure at the Convention 8. The Structure of Government 9. The Fight Over "Blaine" 10. Rights and Resources 11. City and State 12. The Judiciary, Again 13. United Parcel or Piecemeal: Presenting the New Constitution Part IV. What Happened? 14. The Ratification Campaign 15. Patterns of Conflict and Cohesion 16. A Magnificent Failure Appendix: Delegates to the 1967 New York State Constitutional Convention Bibliography Index

Abstract: (1997). The marja'iya in Iran and the nomination of Khamanei in December 1994. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 33, No. 4, pp. 777-787.

Abstract: This study examines the impact of US presidential nomination politics on congressional‐executive relations. In particular, we pose the critical question of whether nomination reforms have had any systematic effect on the inter‐branch ideological gap. Using an indicator of liberal voting in Congress and a derived liberalism score for presidents, we analyse the ideological disparity between the branches over a 40‐year period from 1949 to 1993. Results do not support the view offered by Polsby and others that a shift toward more open and participatory decision making in the post‐reform nomination process has increased the probability that presidents will be ideologically distant from their fellow partisans in Congress. Indeed, the situation is quite the opposite, with post‐reform presidents being closer to the ideological centre of gravity of their parties in Congress than are presidents who reached the White House in the pre‐reform era.

Abstract: Chapter 1 Acknowledgments Chapter 2 Greater Dooms Win Greater Destinies Chapter 3 The Two Clinton Presidencies Chapter 4 The Republican Nomination Chapter 5 In the Doledrums: The Interregnum from March to September Chapter 6 The Congressional Elections Chapter 7 The Presidential Election and the New Era of Coalitional Partnership Chapter 8 Appendix: Presidential Vote by State, 1996 Chapter 9 Index Chapter 10 About the Authors

Abstract: This article analizes the effects that the non-consecutive reelection in Congress has had over the evolution of Mexico's party system. It argues, first, that the binding rotation of office introduced in. 1933 has been closely linked to the development of the hegemonic party. Non-consecutive reelection enabled the national leaders of this party to establish centralized control over the nomination of candidatas, and provided them with a great institutional ability to co-opt emergent political movements and handle the conflict of ambitions over elective offices. It aleo handed them powerful means to reward discipline sanction uncoperative behanior.

Abstract: This article demonstrates that men Senators use the confirmation hearings of Cabinet Secretaries-designate to investigate nominees' understanding of the political norms governing legislative - presidential - departmental relations. The status of the Secretary-designate as a Washington insider or outsider therefore affects the confirmation hearing, outsiders being presumed to lack the requisite socialization and consequently being viewed as less credible. In particular, women Secretaries-designate are more often treated as outsiders (their political experience notwithstanding) and thus encounter distinctive challenges in establishing their credibility before the confirmation (later, authorization) committees. The credentialling of Secretaries-designate through the confirmation process gives men Senators extraordinary control over institutional developments within the national executive branch: Legislators can delegitimize a nominee's distinctive insights, thereby structuring the political agenda at its most preliminary stage and ensuring that change will be strictly incremental. The constitutional requirement that presidential appointments be approved by the Senate was intended to ensure the good character and competence of executive officers. Senators have duly questioned nominees regarding potential conflicts of interest and have assessed their policy expertise. Senators have also used the confirmation process, and most especially the confirmation hearings, to oversee the departments and to advance their constituents' interests (Mackenzie 1981). Socializing the presidential appointee to legislative-presidential politics is, however, the most significant confirmation task. Typically conducted by a nominee's Senate authorization committee, confirmation hearings are the public inauguration of an important and on-going relationship (Deering 1987). This is the nominee's formal introduction to the network in which he or she will mediate conflicting pressures for increasingly scarce resources. It is therefore entirely comprehensible that Senators would be attentive to appointees' professional credentials, programmatic priorities, and partisan ideology. But Senators are also and even more fundamentally concerned with each nominee's acceptance and practice of existent political folkways. In every hearing, Senators carefully establish that the new policymaker shares their understanding of how decisions are to be made and implemented. Confirmation hearings could therefore be expected to progress differently for nominees with and without experience in Washington politics. A Cabinet Secretary-designate with service in the Congress or in the executive branch would presumably be viewed by Senate committee members as well-versed in Washington's political norms. The "rules of the game" having been mutually acknowledged, this hearing would progress rapidly to a discussion of policies and programs. A Secretary-designate untried in national office, however, would be more cautiously received by Senate committee members. These nominees would need to be legitimized before the committee, whose members would also be more concerned to examine and instruct the "outsider." The first hypothesis, then, is that Senators place greater confidence in presidential appointees who are Washington "insiders" and less confidence in presidential appointees who are Washington "outsiders." Yet there is also a literature which indicates that men and women, independent of their professional qualifications, are routinely accorded differing degrees of credibility. Scholars have, in fact, shown that judgments of character and performance are often affected by gender stereotypes. An experimental study, for example, demonstrated that women attorneys were granted less credibility than were men attorneys (Hodgson and Pryor 1984). An ethnographic study found that women victims of crime were seldom judged believable witnesses (Stanko 1982). In these instances, as in various others, the observer's gender role socialization caused him or her to discount the woman's qualifications: A woman could not be reliable because women were presumptively passive, dependent, sexually unpredictable, and emotional. …

Abstract: EARLY IN HIS ADMINISTRATION, THE NEWLY elected James K. Polk received a sharp political rebuke from senators in his own party. On January 22,1846, the Senate, containing a supposedly comfortable Democratic majority of six (31-25), voted twenty-nine to twenty against confirming Pennsylvania jurist George Washington Woodward to the Supreme Court of the United States. For various reasons, six Democrats crossed party lines to join twenty-three Whigs in a mutual endeavor to humiliate Woodward. The judge was not the first candidate to experience defeat; in fact, he was the ninth person discredited by rejection, withdrawal, postponement, or by not being acted upon. He was, however, only the fourth victim of outright Senate repudiation, and the first Pennsylvanian so

Abstract: The Setting and the Nominating Process Contemporary Southern Politics and the 1996 Elections by Robert P. Steed and Laurence W. Moreland The 1996 Presidential Nomination: Short and Sweet by Charles S. Bullock III Issues: The Spin from the South by John Kuzenski The Third Party South: Minor Parties in Southern Elections, 1892-1996 by John C. Green Elections in the Deep South Alabama: The Elephants Trumpet by Patrick Cotter Georgia: Two-Party Political Reality! by John A. Clark and Brad Lockerbie Louisiana: Laissez les bon temps rouler! by Charles D. Hadley and Jonathan O. Knuckey Mississippi: GOP Consolidates Its Gains by Stephen D. Shaffer and Randolph Burnside South Carolina: Elephants Stroll Through the Palmettos by Laurence W. Moreland and Robert P. Steed Elections in the Rim South Arkansas: The Last Hurrah for a Native Son by Jay Barth Florida: An Election with Something for Everyone by Kathryn Dunn Tenpas, William E. Hulbary, and Lewis Bowman North Carolina: Republican Consolidation or Democratic Resurgence? by Charles Prysby Tennessee: Belle of the Presidential Ball by Robert H. Swansbrough and David M. Brodsky Texas: Suppose They Gave an Election and Nobody Came by Frank B. Feigert and John R. Todd Virginia: Old Habits Die Hard by John J. McGlennon Conclusion The South and the 1996 Presidential Election: Republican Gains Among Democratic Wins by Harold W. Stanley Selected Bibliography Index

Abstract: Juan Carlos Wasmosy, the candidate for the Colorado Party, won the presidential election on 9 May 1993 with 40 per cent of the vote, beating Domingo Laino of the Partido Liberal Radical Autentico (PLRA) (32 per cent) and Guillermo Caballero Vargas of the Encuentro Nacional (EN) (23 per cent). He thus became the first civilian president of Paraguay for 39 years. Wasmosy, a 54-year-old civil engineer, had made his fortune from construction contracts on the Itaipu hydro-electric dam project during the Stroessner era. He was a political novice with no previous militancy in the Colorado Party and had been hand-picked by the armed forces in the face of widespread opposition from within the party. His main internal rival had been Luis Maria Argana, leader of the Movimiento de Reconciliation Colorado (MRC) faction. Argaia, a populist demagogue and leading conservative figure within the party who was wedded to the corporativist political system built up during the stronato, had beaten Wasmosy in the party primary on 27 December 1992, but was subsequently deprived of the presidential nomination through fraud. The presidential election result surprised observers. Opinion polls had predicted a victory by Caballero Vargas of the EN, with Wasmosy running a poor third. Although a team of international observers pronounced the elections fair, the dramatic improvement in Wasmosy’s rating in the final weeks of the campaign reflected a furious last-minute campaign in his favour by his Colorado and military supporters.

Abstract: T aiwan's gradual adaptations of U.S.-style political party primary elections (otherwise known s "preliminary" or "n min ting" elections) mark a significant trend among other developments in that island's "democratization." We have joined a small group of observers to chronicle and analyze the introduction and acceptance, modification, or rejection of this nominating innovation.1 This article appraises trends in the nominating processes among Taiwan's three major political parties for elections in 1995 and 1996. Primaries have not typically been used by political parties outside the United States. In the U.S. they have become a fixed method for parties to use in determining which candidates to nominate for elective offices. "The nomination function is perhaps the most singular feature distinguishing political party organizations from other political groups," wrote Richard G. Niemi and M. Kent Jennings.2 All political organizations, indeed all organizations, exhibit common functions, including membership recruitment and socialization, goal formation and adaptation, leadership selection, and resource acquisition and allocation. Niemi and Jennings observed that political parties rely uniquely on primary elections-relatively formalized elections for choosing nominees to oppose candidates from other parties-to fill a variety of offices. They might have qualified their generalizations to allow exceptions for parties that do not resort to primaries, particularly those in parliamentary systems in which leaders devote considerable attention to identifying and inducing talented persons to stand for parliamentary elections. Likewise, Niemi and Jennings could have taken note of occasional variations, perhaps harbingers of change in society at large, among nonparty organi-

Abstract: Abstract Three days after President Clinton withdrew Lani Guinier’s nomination to be head of the Jus, tice Department’s Civil Rights Division, the Washington Post published a postmortem that credited Clint Bolick of the “libertarianoriented” Institute for Justice with defeating the nomination. Post reporter Michael lsikoff (1993c) wrote that the Institute of Justice “produced a drumbeat of press releases, reports, and op-ed articles that portrayed the University of Pennsylvania law professor as a proquota, leftwing ‘extremist’ bent on undermining democratic principles—labels that stuck and helped fuel the debate over the Guinier nomination in terms that made it difficult for her allies to recover.”

Abstract: On the night of August 15, 1996; as he accepted his party's nomination for President of the United States, Robert Dole took an expansive view of the impending election. "My friends," he said, "a presidential campaign is more than a contest of candidates. It is a measurement of who we are, where we come from, and where we are going."(1) By saying this, Dole tacitly assumed a burden every major party candidate for president has shouldered since television arrived to carry his words to a mass audience. Stated most succinctly, each nominee has been expected to articulate a captivating vision of the nation's past and destiny. Every Democratic and Republican candidate since 1960 has included in his acceptance speech an allusion to such a vision.(2) The rhetorical challenge facing the newly nominated candidate is formidable; as the party's standard bearer, he must represent and, in conjunction with the recently adopted platform, define the latest manifestation of the party's ideology. Secondly, he must rally the party faithful--the delegates in the convention hall and the partisans watching at home--and enlist their support for the campaign ahead. Finally, and most urgently, the nominee is compelled to gain the support of independent voters and targeted groups, with a view toward building a winning coalition in November.(3) Given the daunting complexity of the task, it might appear that no single concept or image could suffice as a thematic basis for the vision to be proffered by the acceptance speaker. In fact, such a theme does exist, and practically every political rhetor has recourse to it at one time or another. This ubiquitous idea is the enduring myth of the American Dream. The purpose of this article is to examine the latest expression of this potent and pervasive symbol of national identity. With Dole's Sail Diego speech as a focus, I shall attempt to discover the shape and character of the American Dream as it appears in the folklore of the modern Republican party. My goal is to shed light on the ideology of both major political parties in the United States, while charting the evolution of a significant rhetorical genre, the nomination acceptance address. As a working hypothesis to be tested by this study, I suggest that the mythology of the American Dream still retains its efficacy as a motivational force in the political dialogue of the nation. The American Dream as a Force in National Consciousness "America has been a land of dreams," writes Daniel J. Boorstin. "A land where the aspirations of people from countries cluttered with rich, cumbersome, aristocratic, ideological pasts can reach for what once seemed unattainable. Here they have tried to make dreams come true."(4) These aspirations spoken of by Boorstin converge on a national scale to form the simple conviction that it is possible, by working hard in America, for anyone to build a good life. The assumptions underlying this credo have been subjected to thorough analysis and exhaustive critique by political theorists, sociologists, journalists, interpreters of popular culture, and historians representing a wide range of specializations.(5) The function of this article does not entail a comprehensive review of these writings and their conclusions. It is sufficient to posit that the American Dream is not a propaganda device created by political persuaders; it has been, from the inception of the American republic, "the centerpiece of a national ideology about which Americans share a large degree of consensus."(6) Flowing from this consensus is the proposition that society will prosper to the degree that individual citizens are left free to pursue their own private dreams. The institutions of governance spawned by this ideology include provisions for freedom of speech, personal and civil rights, a free market economy, and the rule of law.(7) Although simplistic interpretations of the American Dream have sometimes reduced it to an urge to make money and live a comfortable life, a larger vision has always been at work. …

Abstract: The name diffusion of candidates seeking the 1992 Democratic presidential nomination as a function of the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary is investigated in a survey among panel participants from a midwestern community. Controlling for political interest and media dependency predispositions, the comparative influence of media exposure and interpersonal discussion is demonstrated. In general, interpersonal communication influences are found to be dependent on media coverage dynamics, either complementing media effects when they are strong or substituting for media effects when they are nonexistent. The consequences for the party nomination “momentum” model, especially in regard to candidate viability, are discussed.

Abstract: Despite the scholarly interest in presidential nomination campaigns, existing research has given limited attention to the role of fundraising in these campaigns. I attempt to fill this void by developing a model based upon the hypothesized relationship between candidates' electoral suc cess and increases in their subsequent fundraising. Using data from three recent nomination campaigns and pooled cross-sectional time-series analy ses, I present results suggesting that success and media coverage have a strong impact upon the subsequent fundraising of long-shot candidates, while the subsequent fundraising of established candidates is attribut able to their viability The observed differences in the relationship are due to the expectations associated with the two candidate types.