Abstract: The moderation hypothesis, that ideologically moderate candidates in a two-party contest are more likely to win elections than extreme candidates, is both prevailing wisdom and a major conclusion of spatial theories of elections. We examine the hypothesis using perceptual data from samples of caucus attenders in the 1984 and 1988 presidential nomination campaigns at both the individual and the cross-candidate levels of analysis. In both analyses, we find qualified support for the moderation hypothesis. In explaining individuals' perceptions of the four nominees' electability, we find a modest effect of perceived proximity to the American voter for all candidates, save George Bush. Other variables, such as party, candidate affect, and nomination chances are stronger predictors, and the candidate's perceived abilities on TV rivals moderation in its impact. In our comparative analysis of some 20 candidates, we find that Ronald Reagan and John Glenn were very significant outliers in what is otherwise a strong...

Abstract: R obert Bork's 1987 confirmation event generated a debate that continues to divide judicial scholars and commentators. Some contend that those hearings mark a pivotal change in the Senate confirmation process. They claim that by focusing on Bork's constitutional theories instead of his professional competence or his personal character, the Senate altered the criteria by which it assesses Supreme Court nominees.' Others disagree, claiming that the confirmation process remains essentially unchanged. Conceding that Bork's experience was unique, they explain the uniqueness by pointing to either the distinctiveness of the nominee, or to the political element that regularly surfaces in controversial nominations.2 This debate over the meaning and importance of Bork's failed nomination remains unresolved, in part, because judicial scholars lack ways to measure change

Abstract: This study examined correlated and predictors of leadership in groups of school-age girls. Subjects were 304 4th-, 5th-, and 6th-grade girls enrolledin 16 Girl Scout troops. Measures of leadership included formal election, nomination by peers, and ratings by adults. Personal characteristics were assessed by adult ratings and peer nominations

Abstract: Weed sheds new light on the Roosevelt landslide of 1936, explaining the Republican nomination of Landon and why the GOP so badly miscalculated its prospects in that election.

Abstract: This study tests the effect of concern about the electability of candidates competing for a party's nomination for president on voters' information-seeking behavior. The analysis is based on a sample survey of voters in four California counties in early 1992. Correlational tests replicated prior findings that issue-oriented voters rely mainly on newspapers, whereas image-oriented voters tend to seek relevant information from television. But these tendencies interacted with electability. Voters with this additional concern sought information on secondary criteria in secondary media. That is, if the candidates' chances of election were also important, issue-oriented voters also sought image information, and vice versa. Issue-oriented voters sought their image information via television, if electability was important to them. The opposite interaction was not found, however; image-oriented voters used television as their source for both kinds of information, if electability was important to them.

Abstract: The behavior of political parties in transitional elections is a singularly important element in a successful democratic transition. In ethnically cleaved countries, the actions taken by political parties in transitional elections can have especially longstanding consequences for future political conflict. This article examines the impact of a particularly unique electoral experiment in Eastern Europe, the single transferable vote system (STV) in Estonia, on the nominating strategies of different types of political parties (the multi-ethnic Popular Front of Estonia—PFE; the non-ethnic Communist Party of Estonia—CPE; and the ethnically based Russian Party—OSTK) in the initial republic-wide legislative elections held on March 18, 1990. A basic analysis is conducted to test the effects of varying district magnitude (a characteristic of STV), ethnic composition of electoral districts, and the “gate-keeper” effect exerted by structured political parties on transitional party nomination strategies in the Estonian election of 1990. Contrary to existing literature on STV, varying district magnitude did not have a great effect on the nominating strategies of either large parties or ethnically particular ones. Moreover, little in the way of gate-keeper effect was exercised by the communist party on the ethnicallyparticular nominating strategy of the Russian OSTK.

Abstract: When U.S. Senator and Christian minister John C. Danforth sponsored Clarence Thomas for the Supreme Court nomination, he was not prepared for the explosion caused by Anita Hill's charges of sexual harassment. Here is a deeply moving story of spiritual regeneration and a revealing account of an important moment in American history.

Abstract: THE DAVIS-BACON ACT: VESTIGE OF JIM CROW David Bernstein* I. INTRODUCTION In a 1987 speech to the Business Law Section of the American Bar Association, then-Equal Employment Opportunity Chairman Clarence Thomas argued that legislative initiatives such as ... [the] Davis-Bacon [Act] provided barriers against black Americans entering the labor force. During the confirmation process, Senators Kennedy, 1 Metzenbaum, 2 and Simon, 3 all strong supporters of civil rights legislation, attacked Thomas for his hostile statements about Davis-Bacon. But as this Article will show, Justice Thomas' assessment of the Davis-Bacon Act was correct. The Davis-Bacon Act, 4 though a relatively obscure and unknown law, has had a tremendous negative impact on Black construction workers for decades. Initially passed by Congress in 1931, the Act requires that con- tractors with federal building contracts whose values exceed $2,000 pay their workers the prevailing wage, as determined by the Secretary of Labor. One of the goals of Davis-Bacon supporters was to prevent Blacks from working on federal construction projects. The law in large part ac- complished this goal, and continues to serve that goal to some degree to- day, while also inhibiting minority business enterprises from competing for federal contracts. Part I of this Article will review the evidence that Congress passed Davis-Bacon with discriminatory intent. Part II will document the histori- cal and continuing discriminatory effects of Davis-Bacon. The Article con- cludes with the hope that Davis-Bacon, a vestige of Jim Crow lawmaking, will be declared unconstitutional. II. EVIDENCE OF DISCRIMINATORY INTENT A. Discrimination Against Blacks by Construction Unions In the immediate post-Civil War period, an estimated 100,000 out of the 120,000 skilled construction craftsmen in the South were Black. After the Civil War, White workers began to displace Black building craftsmen * Clerk, Judge David A. Nelson, Sixth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals; J.D., Yale Law School 1991. The author, while a law student at Yale, co-authored the amicus brief of the Landmark Legal Foundation Center for Civil Rights in Building and Constr. Trades Dept., AFL- CIO v. Dole 90-5345 (D.C. Cir., argued Oct. 31, 1991), which is currently pending. 1. Remarks by Senator Kennedy During Floor Debate Regarding Nomination of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court, Federal Information Systems, Oct. 4, 1991. 2. Senate Judiciary Committee Hearings on the Nomination of Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court, Federal Information Systems, Sept. 13, 1991. 3. 137 Cong. Rec. 14452 (1991). 4. 40 U.S.C. § 276(a)-(c) (1988).

Abstract: The nomination of Clarence Thomas for the Supreme Court posed a dilemma for African-American newspapers because they had to choose between supporting African-Americans and supporting civil rights

Abstract: Just Good Politics is the autobiography of Raymond Chafin, the savvy, free-wheeling political "boss" from Logan County, West Virginia, who managed political machinery for the elections of several state governors, U.S. senators, and, in 1960, for John F. Kennedy. Chafin's story includes the true account of his role in the historic primary that ended Hubert Humphrey's bid for the presidency and gave Kennedy the momentum he needed to win the national Democratic nomination. But Just Good Politics doesn't merely satisfy the reader's curiosity about the 1960 campaign. Just as fulfilling is Chafin's description of political culture in a place where mountain families scraped out difficult lives, where gunfire settled some issues, and where politics was "fist-and-skull." Chafin also describes his relationships with other West Virginia politicians, including U.S. senators Robert C. Byrd and John D. Rockefeller IV. With disarming candor, Chafin details the behind-the-scenes deals, political maneuvering, and, perhaps most important, the influence of larger bureaucratic interests on elections in the region. Just Good Politics describes deal making, rigged elections, and votes bought with cash and whiskey. It tells about men who were shot for siding with the wrong people in the wrong district on the wrong election day. Certainly, some of these stories are not shining examples of democratic principle. But Raymond Chafin comes across as a fascinating storyteller, and as a man who did the best he could for the people around him. "I never wanted much for myself, " he says. "I just liked to win 'em." In Just Good Politics, the reader will find a genuine bridge between our increasingly homogenized Americansociety and a largely unexamined part of rural mountain life.

Abstract: Post-1968 changes in the Democratic party's nomination process resulted, by some accounts, in the selection of delegates who knew little about politics, cared little about winning, and were removed from the party following. One remedy for this situation was the reintroduction of party professionals into the process in the form of “superdelegates.” Did this cure work? By examining the accuracy of superdelegates' perceptions of the party following's positions on issues compared with those of ordinary delegates, this paper addresses part of this question. Using data about the views of delegates to the 1988 national party conventions and the 1988 American National Election Study, I show that the fears about postreform delegates being more out of touch with the party following than “professionals” (i.e., superdelegates) are largely overstated.

Abstract: The historical sweep, the original constitutional theory, and the thoughtful political judgment in Bruce Ackerman's We the People make it a highly important interpretation of our constitutional order.' As the only legal scholar in this symposium about the book, the first of three closely related volumes, I, concentrate on a major aspect of his claim that American constitutional democracy is dualist: his thesis about nonformal amendment and its significance for judicial decision. I also comment on what he says about "transformative appointments" and the significance of the defeat of Robert Bork's nomination to the Supreme Court.

Abstract: The Senate Judiciary Committee hearings on Clarence Thomas' nomination to the Supreme Court in October 1991 provided Thomas and other Americans with something to criticize: the political process. At a time when the Judiciary Committee and the nation might have focused on the general issue of sexual harassment and the specific issue of whether Professor Anita Hill was harassed by Clarence Thomas, proceduralist rhetoric served to divert attention elsewhere. The process proved a convenient object for criticism; it functioned as scapegoat for American frustration.

Abstract: In the turbulent Spring of 1919, Bronson Cutting, a wealthy “Progressive” who controlled one of New Mexico’s leading newspapers, decided to throw in with the enthusiasts who were pushing General Leonard Wood for the 1920 Republican presidential nomination. For a few months Cutting and likeminded local acquaintances worked by themselves, in virtual isolation, for the General, who was widely perceived as the heir to the mantle of the recently deceased Theodore Roosevelt.

Abstract: National nominating conventions serve a number of pur­ poses for their respective parties. Most notably, the con­ vention officially bestowes the party nomination on the candidate for president. Recent political conventions have been carefully orchestrated to create an air of party unity and solidarity behind the respective candidate. Beginning with the 1980 Democratic National Convention, there has been a new occurance at these conventions. Con­ tenders who were not going to receive the party nomination nor were they going to be the running mate for the party nominee have been granted podium time (usually during prime time of the convention) ostensibly for the purpose of addressing their supporters as well as the whole party to call for and encourage party unity. This dissertation examined six of these speeches in order to determine whether or not a new form or genre of political convention discourse has emerged. The speeches included in this analysis were Edward Kennedy's speech to the 1980 DNC, Jesse Jackson and Gary Hart's speeches to the 1984 DNC, Jesse Jackson's 1988 speech to the DNC, Jerry Brown's speech to the 1992 DNC, and Pat Buchanan's speech to the 1992 RNC. The speeches were analyzed by looking at the context under which they were presented, the actual content of the speeches — i.e., the structure and style of each — and the general reaction to the speeches.

Abstract: Opinion polling procedures allow for reasonable inferences about attitude changes. We examined this contention using surveys about the nomination of Clarence Thomas. In this situation, prior theory allowed us to predict the direction of changes, surveys had been conducted by a number of organizations, and substantial information was available about the methodology used in the surveys. As a result we concluded that the deteriorating opinions of Thomas were real. Polls suggest that there was a change of opinions about Clarence Thomas in the year following the confirmation hearings that put him on the Supreme Court (Rucinski 1993). In 15 polls conducted in 1991, an average of 51% of the respondents were pro-Thomas. In contrast, only 37% of the respondents were pro-Thomas in three 1992 surveys. 1

Abstract: In the September 1993 pages of this journal, I asked whether senators can illuminate the political and legal beliefs of Supreme Court nominees by questioning them at confirmation hearings (Comiskey 1993). Many observers of the confirmation process believe that a nominee's testimony can produce insights into the nominee's views that go beyond what is available from the nominee's public record. While such testimony has often proved barren in the past, these observers often express the view that better questioning of nominees can bring forth greater insights in the future (Carter 1988; Melone 1991; Rees 1983; Ross 1987). By contrast, I concluded that the political context in which Supreme Court nominations occur, the motives of participants in the confirmation process, and the incentives facing these participants will likely continue to inhibit illuminating testimony by nominees.Since my previous paper was written before last summer's hearings on the nomination of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, this article examines those hearings. In some respects, her testimony resembled that of most recent nominees. In at least one respect—her candor on abortion—her testimony was a major departure from that of all recent nominees with the partial exception of Robert Bork.

Abstract: I am deeply honored to introduce Colonel William Jennings Best as this year's recipient of the Union's Edward A. Flinn III Award. This award was established to recognize individuals who best personify the Union's motto of “unselfish cooperation in research” through their facilitating, coordinating, and implementing activities. In the minds of all seismologists and others who have been associated with him over the years, Bill Best indeed personifies these ideals. The AGU received a truly impressive show of support for Bill's nomination. Over 50 geophysicists wrote eloquently to back Bill's nomination: some of these letters were from colleagues and friends who have known him for several decades, others were from much younger seismologists who still feel his influence on the field, even though they had no opportunity to interact with him directly; some came from government scientists, others from university professors, and still others from researchers in the private sector. This remarkable unanimity bears testimony to the respect and affection Bill has earned within the seismological community.

Abstract: Introduction: The Setting and the Nominating Process Southern Electoral Politics as Prelude to the 1992 Elections by Robert P. Steed Nomination: The South's Role in 1992 Nomination Politics by Charles S. Bullock III Elections in the Deep South Alabama: No Winners or Losers by Patrick R. Cotter Georgia: A State in Transition by Brad Lockerbie and John A. Clark Louisiana: The Continuing Saga of Race, Religion, and Rebellion by Charles D. Hadley Mississippi: Friends and Neighbors Fight the "Liberal" Label by Stephen D. Shaffer South Carolina: Republican Again by Laurence W. Moreland Elections in the Rim South Arkansas: Ground Zero in the Presidential Race by Diane D. Blair Florida: A Muddled Election by William E. Hulbary, Anne E. Kelley, and Lewis Bowman North Carolina: Conflicting Forces in a Confusing Year by Charles Prysby Tennessee: Favorite Son Brings Home the Bacon by David M. Brodsky and Robert H. Swansbrough Texas: Friends, Neighbors, and Native Sons by Frank B. Feigert and John R. Todd Virginia: A Different Story with the Same Ending by John J. McGlennon Conclusion Conclusion: The South and the 1992 Presidential Election by Harold Stanley Selected Bibliography Index

Abstract: This thesis demonstrates that the nomination and listing procedures and subsequent management of World Heritage areas in Australia are grossly inadequate and in need of reform. The thesis intends to establish the ambiguity of the provisions of the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as the 'Convention') and the inconsistency that exists between it, the operational guidelines and Australian domestic legislation. It argues that the implementation of the Convention into Australian domestic law has caused a limitation of the rights traditionally attributed to the states in Australia's federal system of government. The consequences of the Federal Government ratifying more than 2000 international treaties without a rigorous review process is considered. It demonstrates that the resulting disintegration of the sovereignty of the States vis—a—vis that of the Commonwealth is a major factor that has caused political disharmony. It concludes that the traditionally held rights to manage land use and protect the environment traditionally held by the States and Territories have been dissipated by the Commonwealth Government's use of its powers pursuant to section 51(xxix) of the Constitution, and in particular, the increasing number of international treaties and conventions. In addition, it demonstrates that the Australian Commonwealth Government has not fulfilled its responsibilities as provided in specific articles of the Convention. The thesis explores the substantially inadequate provision made within Australia's legal and administrative framework for certain, coherent and transparent World Heritage nomination, listing and management procedures. The framework is inadequate to balance equitably the competing interests in World Heritage areas. The critical examination of the World Heritage nomination, listing and management procedures takes place in the context of a country with a little more than 200 years of development since white settlement, and a country rich in natural beauty and resources. It explains that during the prosperous 1970s there was an upsurge of public interest in the conservation and preservation of Australia's natural environment. The conservation and preservation of certain parts of Australia's natural environment had a significant detrimental economic impact and caused considerable social and community disharmony. It shows that World Heritage listing subsequently became perceived as a divisive act undertaken primarily for political purposes. This thesis attempts to demonstrate that the nomination, listing and management of World Heritage areas in Australia should be viewed in a political context and not a purely legal and administrative context. It contends that the inadequacy of the legal and administrative framework, together with the changing constitutional ramifications enhanced the political nature of decisions by the Commonwealth Government relating to World Heritage. It argues that the law has served a primarily political function. The thesis is designed to show the substantial misunderstanding of "heritage" in Australia. It shows that the misconception of the national estate was and is perpetuated to the detriment of a fair and correct understanding of World Heritage. It demonstrates that this misconception has been cultivated to enhance the green lobby's own political agenda. A review of the Tasmanian political and electoral system is included. This review explores the inextricable link between the political and electoral system and the nomination, listing and management of World Heritage areas. In this context, the history and background of the green lobby's growing influence over the implementation of World Heritage nomination listing and management is discussed. It shows that most World Heritage areas are owned by State Governments but some areas are privately owned. Those with an 'interest' in these areas are the State Governments, private individuals or companies, and yet the management of these areas remain, primarily, subject to the directions of an oft perceived far—removed Commonwealth Government. The studies explain how the processes for nomination, listing and management have resulted in antagonism between the Commonwealth and the States (generally those governed by an opposing political party), in addition to antagonism between the Commonwealth and the various competing interests, particularly the forestry and mining industries and the recreational land users. World Heritage is something in which all Australians should be proud. But because the process for nomination, listing and management is so inadequate, it is open to abuse for political purposes. It is hoped that, through the reform of, both, firstly, Australia's treaty making and ratification procedures and, secondly, the legislative and administrative process for nomination, listing and management, we can substitute a divisive concept for one of which we, as Australians, can be deservedly proud.

Abstract: Review(s) of: Timothy M Phelps and Helen Winternitz, Capitol Games: Clarence Thomas, Anita Hill, and the Story of a Supreme Court Nomination, United States: Hyperion, 1992, pp xvii + 437, ISBN 1562829165 Includes footnotes

Abstract: This essay explores the constitutive and ideological power of the Supreme Court nomination process. It maintains that this process has evolved in the twentieth century into a rhetorical ritual whereby the American community publicly enacts and configures collective commitments to civil liberties, the law, and constitutional democracy. As such, the ideological power of the Supreme Court nomination process is manifest in the rhetorical negotiation and debate concerning nominees and their placement within the symbolically constructed scope of acceptable judicial philosophy. Specifically, this essay examines the power of the debates concerning Herbert Hoovers nomination of John J. Parker to the Supreme Court in 1930 to constrict the symbolic influence of “property rights” and to expand the importance of “human rights” as specific commitments definitive of American jurisprudence.

Abstract: Abstract Given the spectacular success of the all-southern Democratic Clinton- Gore ticket in 1992, the short-term prospects for the southern wing of the Democratic party would appear to be very bright indeed. In defiance of the apparent logic of the presidential nominating process during the 1968-88 period, an ostensibly moderate southerner was able to win the Democratic presidential nomination with ease and end more than a decade of Republican domination of the presidency. Whereas from the Civil War up to almost the end of the New Deal era it was virtually inconceivable that the Democratic party would nominate a southerner for president, since 1964 the only times when the Democratic party has won presidential elections has been with southern nominees: Johnson, Carter, and now Clinton. Yet parties exist not only to win elections but also to govern in accordance with a set of principles or policies, and the reemergence of the southern wing of the Democratic party needs to be confirmed by a successful Clinton presidency followed by reelection in 1996. Failure in office for a second time might well doom the southern conservative wing of the party to a further spell in the wilderness while the Republicans dominate the White House.

Abstract: Abstract In the discussion of American party factionalism in Chapter 1, I noted that one of the most salient features of the contemporary American party system has been the weakness of the ideological “center” in both of the major parties. The Downsian model of party competition prevalent during the late 1950s assumed that parties operated as unified teams and that in a two-party system the candidates and policies of the parties would inevitably gravitate toward the center of the ideological spectrum (where most of the voting public was situated). Yet since the Republicans’ nomination of Barry Goldwater in 1964, the major American parties have generally adopted presidential candidates and platforms more representative of the views of the parties’ ideological activists than of the parties’ identifiers in the general electorate. The major reason for the recent weakness of the centrist or “moderate” wings of the Democratic and Republican parties is the transformation of American party politics that has been in progress since the Progressive era at the tum of the century and that culminated in the party reform movement of the 1968-72 period.

Abstract: Most agree that voting in presidential general elections is largely contingent on the evaluations of the candidates, issues, and parties. Yet inpresidential primary elections the determinants of voter choices are less clear. Partisanship is inconsequential, information about candidate personalities and policy positions is scarce, and a fourth factor, expectations, may influence voters. In this paper, we reconsider the influence ofpolitical issues in presidential primaries. We argue that past work has not adequately considered how issues matter in primary elections. Primaries are intraparty affairs, and the political issues that typically divide the parties are not very relevant in primaries. Instead, we focus on the policy issues each candidate chooses to emphasize in their quest for the nomination, which we call policy priorities. With data gathered about media coverage of the presidential contenders in the 1988 primaries, and using exit poll data from the 1988 Super Tuesday primaries, we show that issues, as policy priorities, do matter in presidential primary elections. This research also implies that primary campaigns matter, since information concerning the policy priorities of the candidates reaches the intended audience.

Abstract: <p>What do mangoes and eggs have to do with a library conference about emerging democracies? They emerged as symbols of capitalism and communism during the International Group of the Library Association's weekend school. The tone was set by Russell Bowden, First Vice-President of the International Federation of Library Associations (IFLA). In his report on this year's IFLA conference in Havana and the "implications for Cuban democracy", Russell failed to mention the general election held in Cuba in February 1993. 99% of the population took part and only 7% spoilt their ballot papers in protest against the government. 585 of the 589 candidates polled more than 90% of the vote. The Communist Party had no role in the nomination of candidates, nor were candidates to be members of the Party.</p>

Abstract: This article tests a variation of the “carryover” hypothesis that hotly contested races for the presidential nomination often translate into increased levels of nonvoting and defection in the general election. Probit analysis of data from the 1988 American National Election Study suggests that independents who supported Gore or Robertson were less likely to vote than those who supported Bush or Dukakis. Voter turnout among partisans appears unaffected by prenomination preferences. Defection to the opposition party's candidate was, however, more frequent among Democratic backers of Gore and Hart, independents who supported Gore, and independents who supported Dole, Robertson, or Kemp. Republicans remained loyal to the Bush ticket regardless of their prenomination preferences. These findings suggest that hotly contested nominations often hurt the party in November, particularly among Democrats. We conclude with a discussion of recent Democratic party reforms which have attempted to lessen the likelihood of such party disunity.