Abstract: This article investigates the public reaction to the scandal which effectively ended Gary Hart's quest for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination. Employing NES panel data covering the period in which the scandal surfaced, and integrating arguments drawn from research on attitude change, media priming, and candidate evaluation, this analysis of the Hart case illuminates more general questions about how citizens respond to media communications during the course of an election campaign and of the factors that facilitate or inhibit attitude change. The investigation lends support to contemporary theories of attitude change that emphasize citizens' levels of political involvement and prior predispositions; uncovers evidence of media priming as views about controversial standards of morality were newly engaged in defining citizens' post-scandal evaluations of Hart; and yields evidence that negative responses to Hart in the wake of the scandal were tempered among citizens who typically weigh policy criteria alongisde candidate characteristics when formulating their overall candidate evaluations.

Abstract: Candidates in multicandidate presidential nomination campaigns allocate their financial resources to maximize delegates and momentum. Gurian (1986) demonstrated that, in the campaigns of 1976 and 1980, well-known established candidates emphasized delegates while relatively unknown long-shot candidates emphasized momentum. The resource allocation strategy of established candidates is based on the simple fact that the candidate with a majority of the delegates wins the nomination. The resource allocation strategy of long-shot candidates is based on financial constraints: they lack the resources to compete effectively in delegate-rich primaries; thus, they attempt to maximize momentum, which leads to greater public (including financial) support. This study extends the previous research to the 1984 and 1988 campaigns with a more fully specified model and a more consistent measure of momentum. By doing so, we hope to contribute to the growing body of literature concerning nomination politics (Aldrich 1980; Bartels 1988; Campbell 1983; Castle 1991; Hammond 1980; Kessel 1988; Marshall 1981; Nice 1980; Norrander 1989; Parent, Jillson, and Weber 1987; Wattier 1983). In presidential nomination campaigns, candidates make strategic decisions to maximize their chances of nomination. Depending on competitive circumstances, candidates employ differing means to achieve that end. There exist at least two strategic goals that candidates pursue: maximizing delegates and maximizing momentum. By momentum, we refer to the consequences of winning or exceeding expectations in the early contests (Aldrich 1980). Success in the early contests tends to lead to extensive positive media coverage as well as increases in public recognition and financial support. According to their position in the competitive environment, candidates attempt to maximize a weighted combination of these goals. Therefore, resources are allocated to state contests in proportion to each state's potential contribution to strategic goals. At the beginning of the campaign, many candidates are relatively unknown and thus are at a disadvantage in terms of attracting votes and contributions. Long-shot candidates prefer small, early, heavily covered primaries (like New Hampshire) because such contests are less expensive

Abstract: Previous studies of the rise of Lyndon B Johnson have concentrated on his ruthless careerism without giving him due credit for his political brilliance, his genuine concern for minorities and the repressed, and his role in fully integrating the South into modern America Beginning with his early days in Texas, his progress from Representatives to Senate, and his role as Majority Leader under Eisenhower, this first volume in Robert Dallek's biography ends with his nomination as Vice-President in 1960 This balanced account presents the LBJ esteemed by the likes of Roosevelt and Kennedy

Abstract: In the most democratic election in the history of any Chinese society, Taiwan voters went to the polls on December 19, 1992, and elected a new Legislative Yuan. This body occupies an important place in the Republic of China's (ROC) constitutional structure, with powers to pass laws, review the budget, approve the nomination of the premier and interpellate cabinet members. The full Legislative Yuan was last elected in mainland China in 1947, and all elections since then were for "supplementary" members, never constituting a majority, so that the Yuan operated essentially as a rubber stamp. With its complete reelection in 1992, the Yuan's whole membership for the first time is directly accountable to the residents of Taiwan and the Pescadores, the territory actually administered by the Republic of China. The ROC's political system is not yet fully democratic. The president is not popularly elected, the electronic media remain government-controlled and biased against the opposition, and the central and local election commissions are stacked with ruling party members-although these commissions seem to have operated fairly in this election. However in 1992, in contrast to earlier Legislative Yuan elections, no one was excluded from candidacy for political reasons (there were age and educational limits), and the candidates' freedom of speech was virtually unlimited. There were no

Abstract: Conventional wisdom suggests that presidential nomination campaigns are inherently divisive and that the intraparty division fostered during the nomination campaign continues into the general election contest. Division occurs within the party between those preferring a nomination winner, the in-group, and those preferring a nomination loser, the out-group. This study examines in-group/out-group relations during the 1980 presidential nomination and general election campaigns. The author found clear evidence of intraparty division during the nomination period. However, during the general election the in-group/out-group relationship is ameliorated The author suggests that the institutional process, moving from a nomination to a general election campaign, helps to reduce factional division among the party's rank-and-file membership.

Abstract: . Unlike most European countries, party leadership roles in Britain are largely concentrated into the hands of one person. The pattern was established in the nineteenth century, when the posts of Prime Minister and party leader were intertwined, and has been maintained by the modern parties. Each of the main British parties has changed its method of selecting its leader in the last thirty years and between them the parties use, or have used relatively recently, the four basic methods of selection—by the party elite, by parliamentarians, by activists and by party members. The broad trend has been for the parties to make their procedures more open and participatory. While this pattern has reflected the ‘spirit of the age’ the major reasons for the change have been political considerations. The Conservatives changed from selection by party elites to selection by MPs in an attempt to modernise their image. Labour adopted an electoral college as a result of power struggles between left and right in the party. The Liberals eventually accepted that it was not sensible for their leader to be selected by just a dozen or less MPs (and the Social Democrats and Liberal Democrats duly followed this logic). Despite the adoption of more open procedures the selectorates are still relatively small (with only the Liberal Democrats involving all members), while control over the process of nomination remains firmly in the hands of the MPs. One consequence of this is that British party leaders have been characterised, above all, by the extent of their parliamentary experience. Within that characteristic, however, the detailed rules of the different selection procedures have been crucial in determining which particular parliamentarians would emerge.

Abstract: There is increasing evidence that issues influence voter preferences during the nomination campaign (Bartels, 1985; Bartels, 1988); however, only Bartels (1988) and Conover and Feldman (1986, 1989) have examined how partisans forge perceptions of candidates' positions on issues prior to the general election campaign. The goal of this paper, then, is to examine how individuals develop perceptions of candidates' issue positions during the crucial months leading to the nominating conventions. Relying on theories developed in social-psychology, I tested five competing hypotheses known to influence individuals' perceptions of candidates' issue positions. An examination of the findings revealed that there is strong support for one of the hypotheses and modest support for three additional hypotheses. In summary, it appears that voters are quite ingenious in forming impressions of where candidates stand on the issues. They rely on stored information about politics, they actually adjust candidates' true positions to relieve cognitive inconsistencies, they evoke their own issue positions to assume candidates they like agree with them and candidates they dislike disagree with them, and finally they evoke their own issue positions to assume candidates agree with them even when they hold no sentiment toward the candidate.

Abstract: In a sample of American undergraduate college students, we used self-report measures to examine the relationship among voting-relevant feelings, beliefs, and actions in a meaningful and important social context. We found that supporters of the 1988 presidential candidates (Bush and Dukakis) differed only in somewhat greater partisanship on the part of the former and a greater concern with domestic issues on the part of the latter. Women and men did not differ on many measures relevant to candidate choice, although some evidence suggested a greater involvement in the traditional political process by men than women. Candidate choice was reliably related to measures of interpersonal attraction, and Bush supporters perceived more concepts or issues in their candidate's speech accepting the nomination than in that of the opposing candidate. In a second study that examined responses to words differentially attributed to Bush and Dukakis by listeners to these speeches, we found no significant difference...

Abstract: Preface Critical Judicial Nominations Critical Judicial Nominations in American History Justice Thomas and the Supreme Court The Thomas Hearings as the Catalyst for Political Mobilization Political Mobilization in the Aftermath of the Thomas Nomination Controversy Conclusion Select Bibliography Index

Abstract: The authoritative source for information about the lives, backgrounds, and terms of office of every American president, from George Washington onward, Wilson s acclaimed Facts About the Presidents series continues with its much-anticipated Eighth Edition. Written for both general readers and researchers, this volume will be one of the most widely consulted works in your reference collection. The new Eighth Edition of Facts About the Presidents delivers comprehensive data about every American president, from George Washington to Barack Obama, plus facts about the Executive Office itself. What s New in the Eighth Edition In addition to the intensive coverage of past presidents, this volume contains: Extensive and authoritative facts about both terms of President George W. Bush. The inauguration and early White House tenure of President Barack Obama. The most up-to-date knowledge available, relying on the latest scholarship. A complete and compelling portrait of the nation s highest office and the men and women who have held or sought it over the years. A Separate Chapter on Each of the 44 U.S. Presidents Part I presents a chapter for each president in chronological sequence, featuring data on the president s background, life, and administration. Here you ll find uniformly arranged data on birth, family, education, nomination and election, congressional sessions, cabinet and Supreme Court appointments, vice presidents, first ladies, and more plus highlights of both the personal and political. Bibliographies guide readers to additional information on each president. Comparative Data and Facts About the Presidency Part II presents over 160 pages of fascinating statistics in a collective arrangement so that a reader can compare presidents on the basis of such matters as early occupation, previous political career, type of education, military experience, family background, religious affiliation, age at death, literary output, and other factors. Part II also delivers important facts about the office of the presidency, including salaries and pensions, cabinet officers, party alignments of the Congresses, presidential vetoes, electoral and popular votes in every election since 1789, third-party electoral votes, presidential succession, and the many other facets of the job. The volume also features a handy name/subject index to make it easy to pinpoint exactly the information you need.

Abstract: During the summer of 1852, Nathaniel Hawthorne's two careers, as author and as Democratic politician, came together. Barely a month after Hawthorne completed The Blithedale Romance, his Bowdoin friend Franklin Pierce won the Democratic nomination for the presidency. Hawthorne quickly offered to write "the necessary biography" (Letters 545) but professed reluctance and mentioned another man more suited to the

Abstract: Abraham Lincoln remains the great enigma of American history.1 When nominated for the presidency he seemed almost laughable. An uneducated hick from the plains of Illinois, Lincoln was too tall, too awkward, and far too homely. He had made some impressive speeches while campaigning for the nomination, and he was "unsurpassed when it came to elucidating the moral principles and goals of Republicanism."2 But it was still hard to take this unpolished prairie lawyer seriously. The abolitionist Wendell Phillips, who was also a Harvardtrained lawyer, asked: "Who is this huckster in politics . . . this county court advocate?"3 Never had so inexperienced a man seriously competed for the presidency. His resume was spare: a one-term congressman, a failed candidate for the Senate, and a successful but hardly imposing railroad lawyer. Phillips concluded that the Republican candidate was "a firstrate second-rate man."4

Abstract: The nomination of Irving Kravis as a Distinguished Fellow of the American Economic Association in 1991 crowned a long and distinguished career He would go on to no further accomplishments, for it was on the trip to the ASSA meetings in New Orleans to receive the award that he passed away at Philadelphia Airport on January 2, 1992 In spite of a debilitating illness, he had continued working until the end on problems and issues that were his main concerns for more than 50 years; with fuller physical powers, he would undoubtedly have made additional contributions to our profession This paper first discusses his administrative and pedagogical contributions at the University of Pennsylvania and then his notable research contributions

Abstract: We have all read accounts of management science's growth out of activities in the Second World War. Yet this story is not entirely accurate. Inventory analysis and queuing, for example, originated at the beginning of this century. Our antecedents actually extend even further back in history—to the Italian renaissance. My nomination for the first practitioner of management science is Niccolo Machiavelli, who lived from 1469 to 1527 in Florence, Italy. His book, The Prince, written in 1513, is the first text on the practice of management science.

Abstract: The Hanford Cultural Resources Laboratory (HCRL) was established by the US Department of Energy, Richland Field Office (RL) in 1987 as part of Pacific Northwest Laboratory (PNL). The HCRL provides support for managing the archaeological, historical, and cultural resources of the Hanford Site located in southcentral Washington, in a manner consistent with the National Historic Preservation Act Amended 1992 (NBPA), the Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979 (ARPA), the Native American Grave Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA), and the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 (AIRFA). The HCRL responsibilities have been set forth in the Hanford Cultural Resources Management Plan as a prioritized list of tasks to be undertaken to keep the RL in compliance with federal statutes, regulations, and guidelines. For FY 1992, these tasks were to (1) ensure compliance with NBPA Section 106, (2) monitor the condition of known archaeological sites, (3) evaluate cultural resources for potential nomination to the National Register of Historic Places, (4) educate the public about cultural resources, and (5) conduct a sample archaeological survey of Hanford lands. Research was also conducted as a spin-off of these tasks and is also reported here.

Abstract: Justin Dangler was a third-year student at Yorktown (New York) High School. To become a member of the school's chapter of the National Honor Society, a student must have at least a 3.5 grade-point average and qualify in three other categories: leadership, service, and character. Selections are made by a faculty committee, based on recommendations from teachers who are familiar with those students who are eligible academically. Justin met the academic standard with flying colors: his grade-point average was 3.93. He was also active in several extra-curricular activities, including the school newspaper, the student senate, and Future Business Leaders of America. However, among the third-year students who met the academic standard, Justin received the lowest ratings from the teachers who knew him. Two of these teachers spoke against his nomination at the faculty committee meeting. The committee, which included some members who were also familiar with Justin, decided by a unanimous vote that he did not meet the criteria for membership. The chair wrote him a letter notifying him of the decision, explaining that he could apply again the following semester, and urging him to "strive to attain a high quality of character, leadership, and service." The Dangler family was outraged by this rejection. Justin's parents demanded an explanation and insisted that school officials intervene on his behalf. They also disputed various aspects of Justin's high school record, including six "cut" slips that they succeeded in having removed from his records. The principal conducted an investigation, but, finding no procedural irregularities, he declined to intervene in the matter. When their pleas to the superintendent were unavailing, the Danglers filed suit in federal court. Their claims were based on the First and 14th Amendments. With regard to the 14th Amendment, they claimed that Justin had been deprived of property without due process of law. With regard to the First Amendment, they claimed 1) that Justin's rejection was in retaliation for several previous disputes between his father and the administration concerning school operations in general and his children in particular and 2) that the rejection was in retaliation for an article Justin had published in the school newspaper, alleging the existence of racial prejudice among students at the high school. First the Danglers moved for a preliminary injunction, but the court instead ordered an expedited trial.[1] On the defendants' motion at the outset of the trial, the court dismissed the Danglers' 14th Amendment claim in light of precedents establishing that membership in the National Honor Society is not a property right.[2] At the trial Justin's father established that he had filed numerous complaints with school officials, civil rights agencies, and the courts concerning both the high school and the district. He had been successful in some of these matters and unsuccessful in others. The issues ranged from public ones, such as the bidding for school bus transportation, to trivial ones, such as changing his daughter's Latin grade from an A to an A +.[3] The court found that Justin's article in the school newspaper was not particularly controversial and, in any event, had been published, with school approval, after the decision denying him admission to the honor society. At the conclusion of Justin's side of the case, the court dismissed the suit as it applied to the superintendent, who had taken no action in the matter, and reserved judgment as to the remaining defendants: the principal and the district. After hearing both sides' evidence, the jury returned a verdict in the defendants' favor. Now comes the rub. The defendants filed a motion for attorney's fees and court costs. Under federal statutes, a court may, at its discretion, award reasonable attorney's fees to the prevailing party in a civil rights suit. …

Abstract: Since the late 1960s, a series of Supreme Court decisions has significantly restricted the ability of states to regulate political parties and elections and, in turn, significantly increased the authority of parties to control their own affairs. The fulcrum of the Court's reasoning has been the doctrine of freedom of association, derived from the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The Court's application of this doctrine has enabled the parties to gain more de jure, if not always de facto, control over their governing structures and nomination procedures.' These decisions beg a skeptical question: does the Court's recently favorable view of party authority have a stable base of support on the Court itself? History has shown repeatedly that Supreme Court dissents can later become majorities, e.g., Brown v. Board of Education, Garcia v. San Antonio Metopolitan Transit Authority, and Batson v. Kentucky.2 Indeed, one need look no further than the Populist/Progressive era state court decisions on party regulation to find a contrast to the current Court's approach, i.e., dissents that sound like today's majorities. In People v. Democratic Committee, for example, a New York court held that a party could not expel a member for disloyalty who was previously chosen as a party candidate in a legal primary, since this would contravene state law.3 While the majority favored the state's position, Justice Edgar M. Cullen filed a strong dissent with a modern ring:

Abstract: Just nine days after what was to have been a routine confirmation hearing, John S. Arnick, a 23-year member of the Maryland House of Delegates, withdrew his name from consideration for a position on the Baltimore County District Court. Arnick became the first gubernatorial nominee for a judgeship since 1968 who did not receive confirmation. This event touches upon a number of underlying subtexts of interest to political scientists, especially those who follow state legislatures and their processes-judicial confirmation procedures at the state level, prevalence of "insider-vs.-outsider" mentality within a state legislature, persistence of sexism in the environment of a state capital, impact of women legislators on the political culture and procedures, citizen attentiveness to the political process, and the consequences of the growing use of radio shows and telephone calls to influence the actions of elected officials.

Abstract: Abstract Within weeks of Eisenhower’s inauguration, Stalin died. The confused circumspection of his successors and the near-collapse of the Soviet client regime in East Berlin could only enhance the self-assurance of an administration already committed to “negotiation from strength.” Unlike its predecessors, it was also almost proudly unbeholden to Jews. An estimated 75 percent of Jews had voted in 1952 for Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic loser, and even more were to vote for him again in 1956. It was true that Cleveland’s Rabbi Silver, still one of the nation’s most aggressive Zionists, remained a Taft Republican, but given the hard feelings left over from a bitter campaign for the nomination, that was unlikely to win any points with the new administration either.

Abstract: Primaries and caucuses now determine the Democratic and Republican parties' presidential nominations. While several political scientists have investigated the voting behavior of individual primary voters (Abramson et al. 1992; Bartels 1988; Geer 1989; Keeter and Zukin 1983; Marshall 1984; Norrander 1986, 1992; Wattier 1983a, 1983b; Williams et al. 1976), aggregate results of primaries and caucuses have scarcely been studied. Primary and caucus outcomes foster publicity, contributions, and, perhaps, voter support for some candidates in what is commonly called momentum, while forcing other candidates from the field. Aggregate vote totals allocate convention delegates for each state, and delegate totals ultimately decide the nominations. While individual decisions make up aggregate outcomes, we are left to make inferential leaps from studies of individual voters when what we really need to understand is the collective outcome. In this vein, presidential primary researchers need to follow the lead of congressional scholars who find it necessary to understand both the aggregate dynamics of and the individual voting behavior that underlie the loss of seats by the presidential party in offyear congressional elections. Flaws in three previously published aggregate analyses of presidential primary and caucus returns hamper us in our ultimate goal of making generalizations about the outcomes of these vital contests. Two of the works ignore caucuses (Bartels 1988; Grush 1980); two analyze only candidates from one party in one election year (Grush 1980; Parent, Jillson, and Weber 1987); and one ignores the dynamic elements of nomination contests (Parent, Jillson, and Weber 1987).

Abstract: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE CHRONOLOGY OF DANIEL 9:24-27 by Brempong Owusu-Antwi Adviser: Gerhard F. Hasel Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT OF GRADUATE STUDENT RESEARCH DissertationOF GRADUATE STUDENT RESEARCH Dissertation Andrews University Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary Title: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE CHRONOLOGY OF DANIEL 9:24-27 Name of researcher: Brempong Owusu-Antwi Name and degree o f faculty adviser: Gerhard F. Hasel. Ph.D. Date completed: October 1993 This study attempted to investigate the chronological issues of Dan 9:2427. Its main objective was to provide an interpretation based on textual, linguistic, literary, grammatical-syntactical, structural, and contextual study of the major terms and expressions in Dan 9:24-27. Chapter 1 surveys the chronological interpretations o f Dan 9:24-27. Four major schools o f interpretation emerged (Historicist-Messianic Interpretation. Historical-Critical Interpretation, Futurist-Dispensational Interpretation, and Symbolic-Amillennialist Interpretation) under the main categories of continuous and noncontinuous interpretations. Major chronological issues emerged from these interpretations and set the stage for this study.