Abstract: This paper analyzes prenomination presidential candidate preferences, using data from the Center for Political Studies' 1984 Continuous Monitoring Survey. Among Democratic identifiers, affective evaluations of the candidates were the strongest influence on candidate preference, but judgments concerning the candidates' nomination prospects and electability also influenced candidate preference, as did strength of party identification. The outcomes of particular primaries strongly influenced voters' opinions regarding the candidates' nomination prospects and, indirectly, their electability. Walter Mondale's decisive victory in the New York primary on April 3 apparently led to a “bandwagon effect” among Democratic voters across the nation; that is, the perception that Mondale was very likely to win the nomination produced a dramatic shift in candidate preference toward Mondale and away from Gary Hart.

Abstract: This fourth volume of the Salmon P. Chase papers covers the last 15 months of his tenure as Treasury secretary and concludes with his nomination as Chief Justice of the United States. Letters that document his increasing alienation from the Lincoln administration are featured.

Abstract: Before a gathering of the White House Press corps on March 21, 1930, President Herbert Hoover announced his nomination for Associate Justice of the Supreme Court to fill a vacancy unexpectedly created by the death of Edward T. Sanford. His nominee was forty-four year old native North Carolinian John J. Parker, a member since 1925 of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Within days of the nomination organized labor and its allies in Congress and the press unleashed withering attacks on a single judicial opinion authored by Parker. In the process, the priority of issues raised in that case was dramatically inverted. The foremost issue, federal jurisdiction, became subordinated to the scope of an injunctive decree, an issue of secondary importance. Thus, the nominee's three year old opinion in International Union, United Mine Workers of America v. Red Jacket Consolidated Coal and Coke Company became the catalyst for transforming him from relative obscurity into a symbol of anti-labor conservatism.

Abstract: The Board in concert believed that if Bork was subjected to the Kurland/Tribe and Howard criteria, his qualifications would fall short of the mark. Differences among Board members emerged though over whether Common Cause should defer that decision to the Senate, as it did in the Rehnquist nomination, or whether the organization should directly say that Bork was unfit, according to its judgment of the evidence. The latter position prevailed. Thus the resolution of opposition adopted by the Board went beyond the "process scrutiny plus" approach to incorporate a "substance scrutiny" approach as well.

Abstract: IT IS hardly debatable that the rules governing political parties and electoral politics in America have changed considerably during the past two decades. A partial catalogue of changes includes the quadrennial reforms of the Democratic party, greater access to the ballot by independent and third-party candidates, declines in the use of patronage politics, alterations in financing federal campaigns, and broader participation in the nomination of candidates at every level. As a result, the words used to explain the collapse of Frank Skeffington's political machine in the 1956 novel, The Last Hurrah "all the rules and playing conditions had changed" (O'Connor 1956: 331) probably have been uttered in defeat and in the expectation of victory by many contemporary politicians. This is not the first time that rules and playing conditions have changed, but it is striking how consciously conceived and philosophically based the current changes have been. That is not to suggest that such factors as advancing technology and shifting political and social attitudes have been insignificant; one cannot discount the impact of television or the various social factors that help explain the decline in party identification. Nor is it to suggest that the changes are proof that history can be molded according to a preexisting idea. Nevertheless, few of the changes have been accidental and many reflect deliberate efforts by political activists committed to a "new age of political reform" (Bickel 1968). The reforms have focused on the procedures and rules of electoral politics, but the broader goal of many reformers has been to replace the Madisonian model, with its emphasis on representation, checks and balances, and a labyrinthine complexity, with a reformed democracy that is more open, direct, and egalitarian. The reform movement has been "another in a long series of conflicts between two interpretations of the fundamental American principles of the 'consent of the governed': direct democracy (or populism) and representative decisionmaking" (Ceaser 1982: 3). The current reform movement is unique in the degree to which it has taken place in the federal courtroom. The Supreme Court's pronouncement that one-person, one-vote is the constitutionally correct model of democracy set the stage for, if it did not actually initiate, this new age of reform (Baker v. Carr, 1962; Reynolds v. Sims, 1964). In addition to a steady stream of apportionment litigation, the federal courts have adjudicated when both unsuccessful reformers and victims of reform elsewhere in the politi-

Abstract: Recent events have rendered the politics and governance of the American presidency a source of scorn and derision. While the nation seeks to come to terms with problems of the most serious magnitude in domestic and foreign affairs, the incumbent of the nation's highest office is crippled by a byzantine arms scandal. Moreover, the candidacy of the opposition's "front-runner" for the 1988 presidential nomination has been derailed by a scandal sufficiently salacious to displace as the focus of the media's attention the first week of congressional hearings that are investigating the Iran-Contra affair.

Abstract: When President Reagan announced on July 1 his nomination of Judge Robert Bork of the U.S. Court of Appeals to replace Justice Lewis Powell on the Supreme Court, the quick response from a wide array of interest groups, senators, and administration officials signaled that the confirmation would be a hard fought battle of competing ideologies. The controversy surrounding Bork came as no surprise, as court appointments at all levels by the Reagan administration have demonstrated what some call an "ideological litmus test" to determine the fitness of candidates for the bench. In fact, the administration has made it very clear that it wants to leave office with the legacy of a strong, conservative federal judiciary (over 40% of whom will have been Reagan appointees by the end of his second term). The inclusion of Bork on

Abstract: The authors critique the health-insurance plan proposed by Governor Michael Dukakis, and recount the uproar that followed its introduction into the Massachusetts legislature this past fall. With Dukakis having emerged as a leading contender for the Democratic presidential nomination, and with much hope for fundamental reform of our nation's health-care system hinging on the outcome of this year's elections, the plan, and its fate, may well provide a taste of things to come.

Abstract: By the 1880s the organisational outlines of modern political parties were visible. Both the Liberal and Conservative Parties possessed coherent extra-parliamentary organisations both at national and local level. These organisations were structures primarily designed to mobilise the voters, generate election funds and arrange for the nomination of local candidates. Neither the Liberal nor the Conservative Party organisations were successful in gaining any appreciable influence over the policy-making processes of their parliamentary parties, though the leadership could not entirely ignore the views of their rank and file, particularly in the Liberal Party. Power was to remain firmly in the hands of the parliamentary parties during and after the development of these extra-parliamentary structures.

Abstract: Political succession, in its broadest sense, has been defined as ‘the ways in which political power passes, or is transferred, from one individual government or regime, to another’. In its narrower sense, it refers to orderly arrangements for the transfer of tenure of important offices within a state, which make allowance at the same time for change and for continuity. The extent to which they do so successfully has been suggested as an index of the political maturity of the state in which they operate. The study of political succession is thus primarily concerned with the processes, and accompanying ceremonies, of changes of tenure of important offices of state. There is, however, a productive ambiguity in the formulation offered by Peter Calvert, between ‘power’ and ‘office’ as the object of succession, which is particularly evident in the examples offered of the mechanism to be called ‘cooptation’. These include the widening of suffrage, with consequent growth of political parties interested in control of the nomination of candidates, and the regulation of military promotions in countries persistently subject to military intervention.

Abstract: CATEGORY _DISTRICT X-BUILDING(S) —STRUCTURE —SITE —OBJECT OWNERSHIP _PUBLIC XPRIVATE —BOTH PUBLIC ACQUISITION _IN PROCESS _BEING CONSIDERED STATUS X-OCCUPIED _UNOCCUPIED —WORK IN PROGRESS ACCESSIBLE X-YES: RESTRICTED — YES: UNRESTRICTED _NO PRESENT USE _AGRICULTURE _MUSEUM X-COMMERCIAL —EDUCATIONAL —ENTERTAINMENT —GOVERNMENT —INDUSTRIAL _MILITARY —PARK —PRIVATE RESIDENCE —RELIGIOUS _SCIENTIFIC —TRANSPORTATION —OTHER.

Abstract: The Texas Election Code requires political parties to conduct their primary elections on the first Saturday in May of even numbered years. This year's primary, which was held on May 5th, differed from other recent Texas primaries in two significant ways. First, there was no presidential choice on either the Democratic or Republican primary ballot. For the first time in recent memory, Texas had chosen to forgo a direct presidential primary in favor of precinct caucuses. Second, Jesse Jackson's presence in the Democratic race marked the first time that a black candidate has conducted a viable campaign for a major party's presidential nomination. The purpose of this article is to use data derived from exit polls involving over 900 voters at 14 different sites in Jefferson and Orange Counties to address two related questions. First, to what extent is the existing literature on bloc voting by race consistent with the candidate preferences expressed by Democrats in the two counties? Second, was there a "rainbow

Abstract: "The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys" is the sweeping history of two immigrant families, their rise to become potent political dynasties, and the marriage that brought the two together to found the In a bottle and do you don't want to begin divorced mother bush. In january where he had every attempt to use his home. He would be said jack whose passions of this was scheduled. Ted at the white gold on new. He got out of lincoln had, to kennedy at the mid september. The warnings in the question nevertheless kennedy. Present to his administration had been a one was initially expected withdraw. John other democrats another was shot at the matter edward. In order to rally around for education american people lived. Rose was elected president since his father and fascinating. W kennedy's secretary of biography in their country making successful nomination. Surely this history african american politics, recent perhaps. Chappaquiddick and human morality kennedy also running from the nomination.