Abstract: In an innovative and carefully argued article (‘The Used Vote and Electoral Outcomes: The Irish General Election of 1973’, this Journal, V (1975), 363–83) on the Irish Single Transferable Vote (STV) system in the 1969 and 1973 Dail elections, A. S. Cohan, R. D. McKinlay and Anthony Mughan state a proposition that requires further analysis. They argue that ‘the optimal number of candidates for a party is equal to the largest number of seats that the party might hope to win’ in a constituency, instead of the more common practice of nominating a larger number of candidates. The reasoning behind this proposition is that the nomination of fewer candidates means a greater concentration of the party's vote on these candidates and hence fewer vote transfers and less potential wastage of votes.

Abstract: Senator Barkley's vice‐presidential nomination in 1948 is frequently attributed solely to his keynote address at the Democratic National Convention. This study investigates the rhetorical and political milieu which influenced the convention to choose Barkley.

Abstract: In his article Foverskov claims that the sex of a candidate influences his/her chances of being elected to the Norwegian Parliament, independent of position held on the party list. This conclusion is due, however, to the lack of validity of his measure for list position. The lower election rate for female candidates can be shown to result from less favourable positions on the lists. Sex in other words affects election success only indirectly through the list position variable. It is therefore the nomination phase, and not the election phase, that must be analysed if we want to establish the causes of underrepresentation of women in the Norwegian Parliament. It is argued that Foverskov takes too negative a view of the possibilities of using the data archive on candidates for this purpose; it only needs to be supplemented with relevant census or survey data.

Abstract: Employing data from a survey of state legislators in Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Washington, this article assesses the effects of different systems of nomination on the overlap of public (governing) and party elites. The extent of the overlap of political leadership in these two arenas is found to vary systematically with the degree of "open ness," or access, of nonparty forces to the nominating process. The links between the nature of the nominating system and indicators of elite overlap remain strong even after controls for demographic and interparty competitive factors are introduced. The results indicate that the nomination aspect of the political environment has effects on the struc tures and processes of the political parties that should neither be underestimated nor overlooked in future analyses.

Abstract: In 1968 battles over delegate selection rules and procedures for the national party conven tions erupted anew. During the following decade, reformers advanced multiple standards for the delegate selection and presidential nomination process. While many of these goals have been incorporated into party rules and into state or federal law, little research yet exists by which to evaluate how fully presidential primaries versus caucus convention systems achieve these various standards. A review of the 1976 presidential delegate selection process suggests that presidential primaries and caucus convention systems meet most reform goals equally well, although some differences are found between these two modes of delegate selection.

Abstract: A game theoretic model of the decision by candidates for the U.S. Presidential nominations concerning which set of presidential primaries to contest is developed. Using the two candidate contest for the 1976 Republican nomination as a prototype, interest centers on the effects of variations in the institutional context in affecting candidate strategy. Variables studied include the dates of the primaries, their size, the rules translating votes into delegate allocations, and variations in each primary’s electorate. Dynamic elements, e.g., “momentum,” are included, a number of propositions produced, and these propositions are tested successfully against the choices made by Reagan and Ford in the 1976 Republican campaign.

Abstract: Category Ownership _ X_ district public building(s) * private . .. structure both . __ site Public Acquisition object in process being considered x N/A" Status _ X. occupied unoccupied work in progress Accessible _ X. yes: restricted X yes: unrestricted "no Present Use X agriculture X commercial educational __ entertainment government industrial military museum park _X_ private residence, _X_ religious scientific transportation . _ u other:

Abstract: This chapter is concerned with the question of whether the pre-primary assembly system has enabled a high degree of internal democracy to emerge within the Colorado Democratic party or whether the results have been less than might be expected.1 The chapter divides into three unequal sections, the first being devoted to the effects of the pre-primary system on Congressional nominations in Denver. The second section is devoted to the Senate contests, and not ‘major statewide contests’ because in the period covered by this study there has only been one contested nomination for the Governorship: 1974. In 1970 there was no challenge to the party’s then most senior office holder, Lieutenant Governor Mark Hogan, in his bid for the Governorship. In the third, and much the longest, section the discussion is focused on nominations in Denver for the state General Assembly, but there more general problems about the factors limiting the extent of party democracy in the American system of government are raised.

Abstract: Contemporary literature postulates that the success of candidate nomination efforts is closely tied to the "rules of the game." Contrary to this view, the authors contend that important variables intercede between the rules and candidate nomination. These vari ables fall under the umbrella of coalition theory. As applied in the article, coalition theory suggests that a presidential nomination is achieved if several qualifying criteria are ad dressed and met. The successful candidate must have the support of his home state delegation, a strong regional base, and continuous momentum. With respect to the 1976 nominating events, the authors conclude that coalition theory helps to explain success or failure in securing the presidential nomination. Moreover, the analysis indicates that both nominees would have triumphed under two alternate sets of nomination rules by following the strategy suggested by coalition theory. These findings have important implications for future contests.