Showing papers on "Nomination published in 1978"
Book•
1 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The success of the American Revolution is less likely to be understood through an examination of its ideological origins than through a close analysis of the political processes by which principles, beliefs, and anxieties were translated into revolutionary action as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The success of the American Revolution is less likely to be understood through an examination of its ideological origins than through a close analysis of the political processes by which principles, beliefs, and anxieties were translated into revolutionary action. This book offers the first detailed profile of the several hundred obscure committeemen and propagandists who took up the new revolutionary ideology and carried it that one last step: out of the realm of rhetoric and into the domain of concrete change. And participatory democracy as a principle of American government owes its realization largely to these second-rank politicians and ordinary citizens, who provided the basic muscle of Revolutionary politics. In the 1760s and early 1770s Pennsylvania lacked nearly every ingredient for revolution found elsewhere in the colonies: a strong dissenting tradition, widely felt economic grievances, or a legislature intimately acquainted with royal government. Only the painstaking enlistment of a strong leadership core, the construction of new political institutions, and the rapid mobilization of the majority of the community could overcome these deficiencies. In Pennsylvania British authority succumbed to the activity of a few hundred men who were drawn into public life by a handful of veteran politicians within just two years. To these men and to their committees Pennsylvania owes its revolution. In his book Richard Alan Ryerson focuses on the daily business of politics in the Revolutionary period--the art of motivation for radical political purposes--and its economic and social dimensions in the most prominent American city of the time. How were the colonists mobilized for resistance? What was the political process? Who were the disaffected people who became the radical leaders of the Philadelphia community? To answer these questions, Ryerson compares campaigning styles, nomination and election procedures, and local political organizations in the colonial era with their counterparts during the Revolution. He also examines the age, economic status, religious faith, and national origins of the men who formed the radical committees of Philadelphia between 1765 and 1776.
37 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that school effects masked by standard survey methods are masked by the building level effects masked in the survey results, showing that the effect of school effects at the building-level is negligible.
Abstract: Research at the building level reveals school effects masked by standard survey methods.
11 citations
TL;DR: This article examined the process by which potential candidates are identified and nominated to stand for election to the Canadian House of Commons and identified several of the more important personal and political background characteristics that bring prospective candidates to the attention of local party organizations and make them attractive nominees for parliament.
Abstract: This article examines the process by which potential candidates are identified and nominated to stand for election to the Canadian House of Commons. Interviews with 189 individuals who survived the process to become members of the 28th Parliament are used to identify several of the more important personal and political background characteristics that bring prospective candidates to the attention of local party organizations and make them attractive nominees for parliament. Prior service to the party, previous electoral experience, and exceptionally high social status rank among the principal attributes of attractiveness. Candidates who possess several of these traits are more likely not only to be nominated for parliament and to receive the nomination with minimal opposition but also to be nominated in electorally safe, or at least winnable, constituencies.
9 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined the impact of nonpartisanship on local party structures and found that voting decisions can be made on the basis of such nonrational criteria as ballot position, underdog status, and minimal information.
Abstract: NONPARTISAN ELECTIONS and nomination by petition long have been regarded as elements of the reform program for American cities.1 Although there have been numerous treatments of the impact of nonpartisanship on local party structures, there has been little examination of the implication of nonpartisan elections and nomination by petition on the electoral opportunities of radical or extremist candidates. Many nonpartisan municipal elections would seem to fulfill the conditions of "minimal-information" elections,2 and there is a good deal of experimental evidence indicating that, in such elections, voting decisions can be made on the basis of such nonrational criteria as ballot position, underdog status, and minimal
3 citations
TL;DR: Using data from the 1968 through 1976 SRC/CPS Election Studies, the authors traces the sources of Wallace support over time and advances several hypotheses as to why the "Wallace Factor" was relatively absent in the 1976 campaign.
Abstract: Before the 1976 presidential primaries had begun, the figure of George Wallace loomed large in the American political arena. Pollsters and journalists speculated widely on how many Democratic convention delegates Wallace would win, what influence he would have on the Democratic convention, and whether he would lead a third-party movement if denied the Democratic nomination. Events from the New Hampshire through the California primaries proved much of this speculation to be idle, for Wallace never did mount a serious challenge within the Democratic party. Using data from the 1968 through 1976 SRC/CPS Election Studies, this work traces the sources of Wallace support over time and advances several hypotheses as to why the "Wallace Factor" was relatively absent in the 1976 campaign.
2 citations
1 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this article, the authors proposed a subdivision of the Pakachoag Golf Corporation (PGC) in the province of Ceyhan, China.CATEGORY 6, DISTRICT 3, Korea.
Abstract: CATEGORY _ DISTRICT __BUILDING(S) _ STRUCTURE JiSITE __OBJECT OWNERSHIP —PUBLIC .XPRIVATE _BOTH PUBLIC ACQUISITION _IN PROCESS —BEING CONSIDERED STATUS ^-OCCUPIED —UNOCCUPIED _ WORK IN PROGRESS ACCESSIBLE X-YES: RESTRICTED — YES: UNRESTRICTED _NO PRESENT USE _ AGRICULTURE —COMMERCIAL —EDUCATIONAL —ENTERTAINMENT —GOVERNMENT —INDUSTRIAL _ MILITARY —MUSEUM —PARK —PRIVATE RESIDENCE —RELIGIOUS —SCIENTIFIC —TRANSPORTATION x-OTHER: golf course [OWNER OF PROPERTY NAME Pakachoag Golf Corporation
1 citations
TL;DR: The 1971 mayoral campaign in Cleveland began on September 28, 1971, the day of the primaries and ended on September 30, 1971 with the election of James Carney and Ralph Perk.
Abstract: The 1971 mayoral campaign in Cleveland began on September 28, 1971, the day of the primaries. James Carney and Ralph Perk won the Democratic and Republican nominations, respectively. Polls had predicted, however, that the council president, Anthony J. Garofoli, running with strong support on the west side, would score a comfortable victory for the Democratic nomination (Burdock, 1971a: 1). Mayor Carl B. Stokes, Cleveland's first black mayor and the first black mayor in the nation, played a significant role in the mayoral campaign and the primaries. Mayor Stokes conducted a telephone campaign to the black community on the east side and asked them to vote for James Carney in the primaries against Anthony Garofoli. Garofoli was viewed negatively in the black community because of his opposing view on public housing. Partly as a result of Stokes' intervention, Carney won the nomination through the support of black voters. In less than two weeks, however, Stokes took unorthodox action by changing his endorsement from Carney to the black independent candidate, Arnold R. Pinkney. In the weeks that followed, Stokes' previous actions in the primaries
1 citations
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1 Jul 1978
TL;DR: In this paper, 19 sites were located during the field survey phase of the investigation and two of these sites were subsequently tested in order to document adequately their eligibility for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places.
Abstract: : Nineteen sites were located during the field survey phase of the investigation and two of these (both prehistoric) were subsequently tested in order to document adequately their eligibility for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. As a result of the testing program, 3PO395 (Riverdale) and 3CG636 (Mangrum) are considered eligible for nomination to the Register.
1 citations