Abstract: From 1960 through 1963 Barry Goldwater relied on rhetoric to build a coalition of zealous supporters who carried him to the Republican presidential nomination. The substantive themes and psychological appeals in Goldwater's extensive speaking and writing created a message of rugged individualism that was identified with important properties of four groups prominent in his coalition.

Abstract: This article has two purposes: the first is to show that the amalgamation of the Diplomatic Service with the Foreign Office after the first world war was less complete and less effective than has hitherto been thought; the second is to suggest reasons why this was so. Before 1918 the Diplomatic Service and the First Division of the Foreign Office were separately staffed and recruited. The 55 members of the Foreign Office and the 125 members of the Diplomatic Service were two very select clubs, and the element of patronage which still existed ensured that they remained so. The nomination of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was required for both services before candidates could sit the examination. This meant that the candidate's father either had to know him, or know someone who did. It was said that the only effect of this was to prevent those who had been in some scandal or were of known bad character from applying, but it clearly also deterred those outside an extremely small social elite. If one wants to distinguish between them, the diplomats were thought of as being slightly more aristocratic than the Foreign Office clerks; the Foreign Office men were thought to be marginally cleverer than the diplomats. The diplomats were expected to have a private income of ?400 a year to supplement their inadequate salaries. This was known as the property qualification. Diplomats spent their first two or three years as unpaid attaches, and were then paid ?150 on their appointment as Third Secretary. This property qualification, made explicit in the regulations, had never in

Abstract: (article is based primarily on material assembled in support of Youden's nomination for the Wilks Medal)..

Abstract: The Canadian electoral system has been evolving since the earliest colonial days, and almost every re-examination of the relevant legislation by Parliament produces interesting innovations still. Two periods of reform stand out as particularly significant: the 1870s, which laid the foundation of a national system for federal purposes, without the fragmentation of rights and practices found in the nearest model;' and the current period, which is marked by real and potential alterations that are the most important in a century. The 1870s, partly because of the Pacific Scandal of 1873, saw the first Liberal government under Alexander Mackenzie secure the passage of two major statutes, which severally transferred the electoral system from provincial to federal hands, and created a comprehensive procedure for dealing with corrupt practices on the part of candidates and their agents.2 The first established a single polling period for all but a few far-flung constituencies, to replace the staggered polling (which had run from August 7 to September 20 in 1867, and from July 20 to October 12 in 1872); reduced the actual voting from two days to one; and abolished two formerly open procedures by providing for nomination by petition, and voting by secret ballot. The second defined corrupt practices and suitable penalties and, building on a statute of 1873,3 effectively shifted the trial of controverted elections from House of Commons committees to the courts. The

Abstract: William Jennings Bryan's political tabloid first fought the presidential nomination of the colorless, conservative Judge Parker, supported him after the convention, but finally argued that only progressivism would save the Democratic Party.

Abstract: “Until now, our prime concern has been to arrest the spi- rating development of Soviet nuclear weaponry and hence to arrest our own program. Now the scope should by necessity be much more comprehensive, to include all nuclear powers. …” Senator Humphrey, former Vice-President of the United States and the Democratic nominee for President in 1968, is a leading contender again this year for the Democratic presidential nomination.

Abstract: Reforms usually spring from felt or threatened grievances, not from abstract considerations of institutional perfection. It is understandable then that Presidential election years regularly bring a renewal of more than ordinary interest in reforming the way the President is elected. Interest in reform of this kind was more widespread and intense than usual before and after the 1968 election. Changes have already been made in certain phases of the nomination processes of the major political parties. Nevertheless, the constitutional provisions and the laws governing the Presidential election itself remain unchanged. In 1969 and 1970, these provisions and laws were almost swept aside by a proposed constitutional amendment providing for direct popular election of the President.

Abstract: With revitalized and stronger political parties should we see more effective and accountable government? Despite the resurgence of parties in America, charges of irresponsible and unreliable government remain. Why the disconnect? In "Parties, Politics, and Public Policy in America", Marc Hetherington along with new coauthor Bruce Larson explore this question, while giving students an overview of how parties work and shape public policymaking in America. In this eleventh edition, Hetherington and Larson provide more in-depth coverage of the parties - functions in Congress and campaign finance. In addition, the authors examine developments in the 2008 nomination and election contests - generational voting patterns, shifts in the red-blue divide, and the possibility of a partisan realignment. No other book for this course combines the breadth of scholarship with the brevity and accessibility found here.