TL;DR: In this article , the authors examined the course of opposition activity of the Freedom Movement of Iran party, one of the most famous parties of the left bloc in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Abstract: The article examines the course of opposition activity of the Freedom Movement of Iran party, one of the most famous parties of the left bloc in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The chronological framework of the study is the period from 1989 to 2005. This is resulting from to the fact that since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, the country's current state system was fully formed only by 1989. In the same year, the composition of the power elite also underwent changes. Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–1997) was elected the new president, and after the death of Ruhollah Khomeini, Ali Khamenei became the new Supreme Leader of Iran. If in the period from 1979–1989 The Freedom Movement of Iran, like its leader, Mehdi Bazargan, remained in the political arena, retaining parliamentary seats, then after 1989 the Iranian authorities prevented any attempt by liberal parties to nominate their candidates for both presidential and parliamentary elections. This fact led to the growth of the opposition activity of the Freedom Movement of Iran, which continued until 2002, when party members were accused of establishing contacts with foreign countries to gain support in the fight against the regime of the Shiite clergy. From that moment until 2005, the party's activity decreased and was limited only by organizing small rallies and demonstrations.
TL;DR: In this article , the authors used normative research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach to study the effect of the presidential candidate threshold in the design of the election law and found that the presidential system is less effective and tends to eliminate the rights of citizens to be able to vote, nominate themselves and candidates.
Abstract: The implementation of the General Election for President and Vice President in its development has not been able to become a means of transforming social change in the desired direction and does not significantly prove the influence of simultaneous elections on governance in the President's power. The Nomination Threshold in the Design of the Election Law actually creates a coalition of parties that has the potential to damage a healthy and accountable political system, namely the gathering of parties in one support for a presidential candidate which is then not matched by the existence of an opposition within the Check and Balance framework. The research method used in this paper is a normative juridical research method. Normative research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of the study obtained include, strengthening the presidential system through the presidential candidate threshold after the election consolidation is less effective and tends to eliminate the rights of citizens to be able to vote, nominate themselves and nominate candidates.
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors provided a philosophical analysis on the presidential and vice-presidential electoral threshold and showed that from a philosophical perspective, this threshold provisions eliminate the constitutional rights of the people and minor political parties to nominate presidential and VP candidates.
Abstract: The Republic of Indonesia’s Law no. 7 of 2017 requires presidential and vice-presidential candidates to be proposed by political parties that meet the requirements, namely obtaining at least 20% of the total Legislative House seats or nationally obtaining 25% of valid votes in the previous Legislative House election. This is not recognized in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution, the constitutional basis for nominating a president. This paper aims to provide a philosophical analysis on the presidential and vice-presidential electoral threshold. Results show that from a philosophical perspective, this threshold provisions eliminate the constitutional rights of the people and minor political parties to nominate presidential and vice-presidential candidates. There can only be a maximum of three political parties and the oligarch and large political parties will make sure that the candidates will only come from their parties. This threshold undermines the logic of the presidential system. In conclusion, philosophically the threshold limits the freedom of alternative candidates to nominate themselves in the presidential election. It will only give an opportunity for candidates from major political parties. Thus, the government and various parties must reconsider this law to protect the rights of the people as mandated by the constitution.
TL;DR: In Australia, the nominate subspecies of the Masked Lapwing Vanellus miles miles usually occurs in northern Australia as mentioned in this paper , and there have been only two reports of this taxon in Victoria: at Mildura, in 1968; and at the Eastern Treatment Plant at Bangholme, from 1 January to 24 May 1981.
Abstract: In Australia, the nominate subspecies of the Masked Lapwing Vanellus miles miles usually occurs in northern Australia. There have been only two reports of this taxon in Victoria: at Mildura, in 1968; and at the Eastern Treatment Plant at Bangholme, from 1 January to 24 May 1981. This paper details, with a photograph and field notes, the latter record.