Abstract: Supreme Court vacancies are now characterized by great partisan efforts to confirm—or impede—the nomination. Amid a politicized vacancy before the 2020 election, there was cause to question the conclusion that these vacancies do not harm the judiciary in the public’s eyes. We utilize panel data collected before and after Justice Ginsburg’s death to investigate the effects of the vacancy and partisan posturing to fill it. We find that the battle over the vacancy yielded decreases in diffuse support among Democrats, particularly among those who read a story about Senate Republicans’ willingness to fill an election-year vacancy after refusing to in 2016. Support for federal judicial elections decreased across survey waves, but only among certain subsets of respondents. Finally, belief that one’s preferred 2020 candidate would nominate the next justice significantly influenced support for curbing. Elected branch politics appear capable of influencing the mass public’s level of support for the Court.

Abstract: This paper assesses how parties strategically vary their populist positions in party competition. The useful conceptualization of populism as a matter of degree has been established by previous studies. However, we know little about the conditions that drive parties to alter their degree of populism and, importantly, whether this varies between mainstream and populist parties. This paper analyzes the impact of vote and office loss on parties’ populist position-taking. It draws upon German and Austrian parliamentary debate speeches from the 1990s until 2018. Populism is measured using a dictionary method, an automated text analysis approach. The results show that parties react to contextual incentives by altering their degree of populism. Mainstream and populist parties are more populist when in opposition. Electoral losses affect mainstream and populist parties less clearly. The contribution of this paper is to integrate research on populism with a theoretical framework on party competition.

Abstract: Peer relations become significant socializing agents for diverse behaviors during adolescence. This study investigated relationship selection and social influence of early adolescents’ close friends and admired peers with regard to academic behavioral engagement. A stochastic actor-based model of social network analysis was used to examine classroom social networks across 2 waves (Mage = 11.46; N = 542) based on peer nominations. Adolescents were asked to nominate their “close friends they hang around with and talk to the most” and peers that they “admire, respect, and want to be like” Results indicated that adolescents who were similar in academic engagement more often became friends. Also, close friends’ and admired peers’ academic engagement contributed to adolescents’ own academic engagement over time. The results suggest that both close friends and admired peers are important channels for social contagion of academic behavior and that examining social relations beyond friends are important for advancing our understanding of peer social influence during adolescence.

Abstract: This paper investigates how national levels of corruption are influenced by the interaction of two factors in political decentralization: the presence of local elections and the organizational structure of national parties. Previous studies have focused primarily on the role of fiscal decentralization on corruption and have mostly ignored the institutions of political decentralization. We argue that corruption will be lower when local governments are more accountable to and more transparent towards their constituents. This beneficial arrangement is most likely when local elections are combined with non-integrated political parties, where party institutions themselves are decentralized from national control. Such an institutional arrangement maximizes local accountability by putting the decision to nominate and elect local leaders in the hands of those best in a position to evaluate their honesty – local electors. In our empirical analyses, using new data in a series of expansive models across multiple countries and years, we find strong and consistent support for our arguments.

Abstract: Given that political interest is one of the best predictors of political participation, it remains curious that the causes of interest are undertheorized and understudied. Notably absent from much of the research on political interest is an exploration of how variations in the nature of politics itself might have an impact on individual-level political interest. We develop a theory and a set of testable predictions about how partisanship interacts with the presence of a presidential (vs. midterm) election, the party of the sitting president, and elite polarization, to affect political interest. We report multilevel models that use ANES measures of political interest and partisanship and the DW-NOMINATE Senate polarization measure (from 1960 to 2008) and discuss the implications of our findings for the long-term prospects of an interested electorate.

Abstract: The literature on gender diversity on corporate boards is growing, yet firms' motivation for achieving such diversity remains underexplored. This study examines the potential objective behind appointing female directors that could be driven by organizational impression management based on the hypothesis that firms strategically propose to nominate female directors when they need to form a favorable impression to their stakeholders, especially in relation to executive compensation. This study analyzed annual shareholders meeting agendas for 3585 listed Japanese firms between 2011 and 2020 and found that firms placed female director appointments on the meeting agenda when they needed approval for the revision of executive compensation. This tendency was strengthened for firms with more outside directors. This study's approach and findings contribute to the literature on corporate board gender diversity by suggesting organizational impression management as a potential strategic motivation behind the appointment of female directors.

Abstract: Many studies have been conducted about the presidential coattail effect in presidential democracies, but few have considered multiparty presidential elections. These few studies find that the effect does exist in multiparty presidential elections but their effect is unevenly distributed among the members of the party coalitions that nominate the presidential candidate. We follow these theoretical insights by presenting the case of Indonesia, the world’s largest multiparty presidential democracy. Using election result data and national survey data, including experimental surveys, we find that in Indonesia the size and direction of the presidential coattail effect depend on whether the party is a core or peripheral member of the coalition, its role in the coalition, and its size.

Abstract: Appointing vice presidents to the German state parliaments, as well as to the Bundestag, has come under greater public attention since the AfD has gained parliamentary representation . The AfD has often complained that it is prevented from exercising its right to nominate or appoint a vice president by the other parliamentary groups . This article examines the question of whether such rights actually exist and whether, as the AfD claims, changes have been made to constitutional provisions or parliamentary rules of procedure to the detriment of the AfD since 2014 . This is put in relation to the results that AfD candidates achieved in vice presidential elections in each case . While it can be seen that the legal provisions have indeed been changed frequently since 2014, there are only few cases that ostensibly followed the goal of preventing AfD-MPs from candidacies for the office of Vice President . At the same time, however, parliamentarians in most cases exercised their right to refuse to approve AfD candidates .

Abstract: Long-standing debate over the Politicized Departure Hypothesis (PDH) asserts that federal judges tend to arrange to retire under presidents of the same political party as the president who first appointed them, thereby giving that party the right to nominate their successor. PDH is important for asserting political party agency by judges, who receive no consequent personal benefit, and for explaining the long-term political party orientation of courts. PDH studies inevitably suffer from absence of data on known and unknown determinants of retirement timing. To avoid these and other problems, we apply 11 sharp regression discontinuity (SRD) analyses to voluntary judicial departures before and after five elections that replace Republican presidents with Democrats, and six that replace Democrats with Republicans, 1920 to 2018. Results of difference tests, difference-in-differences tests, and others are as predicted by PDH, for 10 of 11 analyses, for pre-election and post-inauguration observation periods of 270 days. Although unexpected, we find stronger PDH effects for Republican appointees than for Democratic appointees. We offer a novel explanation of PDH based on normative reciprocity rather than ideology.

Abstract: How do parties historically dominated by one group diversify their representatives? I argue that ethnic parties adjust their strategies according to the institutional rules in place and the demographics of relevant constituencies. I study South Africa, which has a Mixed-Member Proportional electoral system, where parties nominate Single Member District and Proportional Representation candidates. Using original data on the racial, ethnic, and career background of over 10,000 local candidates nominated by the historically white Democratic Alliance party, I find that the party engages in vote-based inclusion by nominating black candidates to predominantly black districts. And while the DA symbolically includes non-whites on its PR lists, white candidates dominate electable list positions. These findings provide a demonstration at the micro-level of why ethnic parties struggle to meaningfully diversify.

Abstract: Abstract Background: Although dissemination and implementation (D&I) science is a growing field, many health researchers with relevant D&I expertise do not self-identify as D&I researchers. The goal of this work was to analyze the distribution, clustering, and recognition of D&I expertise in an academic institution. Methods: A snowball survey was administered to investigators at University of Rochester with experience and/or interest in D&I research. The respondents were asked to identify their level of D&I expertise and to nominate others who were experienced and/or active in D&I research. We used social network analysis to examine nomination networks. Results: Sixty-eight participants provided information about their D&I expertise. Thirty-eight percent of the survey respondents self-identified as D&I researchers, 24% as conducting D&I under different labels, and 38% were familiar with D&I concepts. D&I researchers were, on average, the most central actors in the network (nominated most by other survey participants) and had the highest within-group density, indicating wide recognition by colleagues and among themselves. Researchers who applied D&I under different labels had the highest within-group reciprocity (25%), and the highest between-group reciprocity (29%) with researchers familiar with D&I. Participants significantly tended to nominate peers within their departments and within their expertise categories. Conclusions: Identifying and engaging unrecognized clusters of expertise related to D&I research may provide opportunities for mutual learning and dialog and will be critical to bridging across departmental and topic area silos and building capacity for D&I in academic settings.

Abstract: The need for qualitative data to support the evaluation process using the DIVAYANA (Description-Input-Verification-Action-Yack-Analysis-Nominate-Actualization) evaluation model is very important to obtain in-depth information about the effectiveness of e-learning platform utilization in ICT Vocational Schools. Those qualitative data are used to complete the evaluation process for the eight components of the DIVAYANA evaluation model. The eight components included Description component, Input component, Verification component, Action component, Yack component, Analysis component, Nominate component, and Actualization component. The main purpose of this study was to show the qualitative data needed in each evaluation component of the DIVAYANA evaluation model. The tools used to obtain qualitative data on the eight components of the DIVAYANA evaluation model were interview guidelines, checklists, and literature studies. This study approach was qualitative. The technique used to test the qualitative data validity in this study was theoretical triangulation. The findings of this study were the qualitative data needed in each component of the DIVAYANA evaluation model to show the effectiveness of e-learning platform utilization in ICT Vocational Schools. The findings of this study have a positive contribution to the evaluation process in the field of education, especially in strengthening the correctness of the quantitative data results which are usually obtained in the evaluation process. The novelty of this study is the presentation of qualitative data on the yack component, analysis component, and nominate component which does not have by other evaluation models.

Abstract: Abstract As a democratic latecomer, Switzerland enfranchised women in 1971. In 2019, the Swiss elected 42% women to the lower chamber (Nationalrat) with no legal quota in force and only few parties with list quota. How did this happen? In Switzerland with its crosscutting cleavages, several institutionalized mechanisms to cope with divisive aspects of diversity have been developed, among others, informal quota and proportional representation. They seem to have spilled over to the question of gender in politics. This chapter analyses the workings of (formal) gender quota on party lists and the significance of (informal) gender quota for the election of national ministers: when parties nominate candidates for legislative and executive office, gender is one feature among others (like region, age, profession or party wing) that should be addressed. It discusses in which respect informal quotas can serve as institutional equivalents to legal gender quota in politics and if this solution is sustainable.

Abstract: Fellow is the highest grade of membership within IEEE and a prestigious honor to recognize Members with extraordinary accomplishments in any of the IEEE fields of interest. According to IEEE Bylaw I-305.5, the number of IEEE Senior Members elevated to Fellow in any one year may not exceed one-tenth of 1% of the IEEE voting membership on record as of 31 December the preceding year. Table 1 lists statistics for nominees who were evaluated in 2021 for elevation on 1 January 2022.

Abstract: Presidential Threshold as the threshold for the vote acquisition that must be obtained by political parties in an election to be able to nominate a presidential candidate. The rule for the presidential nomination threshold (presidential threshold) of 20%-25% in the Law on the Implementation of General Elections, is the result of a product of democracy in the House of Representatives. The 20 percent presidential nomination threshold should be being challenged to the Constitutional Court (MK) with the hope of being zero percent. It is believed that the zero percent presidential threshold will not bring up hundreds of presidential candidates. The requirements for presidential candidacy have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution, which is carried out by political parties. The provisions regarding the number of seats and the number of valid national votes that are a requirement to be able to nominate pairs of candidates for president and vice president always change every time an election is held. In the 2019 general election, the regulation regarding the Presidential Threshold is based on the provisions contained in Article 222 of the Election Law which states that: Candidate pairs are proposed by a political party or coalition of political parties participating in the election who meet the requirements for obtaining seats of at least 20% (twenty percent) of the total number of seats. the number of seats in the DPR or obtain 25% (twenty five percent) of the nationally valid votes in the previous election for members of the DPR.Keywords: Nomination Threshold, Presidential Threshold.

Abstract: Presidential threshold is the threshold of vote acquisition that must be obtained by political parties in an election to be able to nominate a presidential candidate. General elections for president and vice president are submitted by political parties or a combination of political parties that have at least 20% of the seats in the DPR or 25% of the national valid votes in legislative elections. The type of research used is library research. The approach used is a normative approach. The data collection technique is through literature study. And analyzed by qualitative data analysis method. The presidential threshold setting as determined by the Constitutional Court through decision Number 53/PUU-XV/2017 states Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections which regulates the Presidential threshold requirements have an impact on political parties, due to restrictions on the constitutional rights of political parties that has a small number of seats in the DPR. Then the high threshold number will cause only political parties to nominate their president and vice president so that the implementation of the Presidential threshold is more likely to benefit the authorities and harm the people and negate the people's right to be able to choose alternative figures in the 2024 Presidential Election.Keywords: Presidential Threshold, Presidential Election, 2024 Presidential Election, President.

Abstract: Why has President Biden’s administration been staggering when it comes to key scientific appointments? Most noticeably, there has been a failure to confirm a new director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) since Francis Collins stepped down a year ago. It took nearly a year to nominate the Commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Robert Califf. And regrettably, Biden began his presidency with the nomination of geneticist Eric Lander as the first science adviser to the president and director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP). A year later, Lander resigned in disgrace because of abusive behavior toward staff. Although recent appointments provide some confidence [including Monica Bertagnolli as director of the National Cancer Institute (NCI), Joni Rutter as director of the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, and Arati Prabhakar as the new director of OSTP], the most high-profile biomedical job in the United States—NIH director—remains unfilled.

Abstract: When vaccines are limited, prior research has suggested it is most protective to distribute vaccines to the most central individuals - those who are most likely to spread the disease. But surveying the population's social network is a costly and time-consuming endeavour, often not completed before vaccination must begin. This paper validates a local targeting method for distributing vaccines. That is, ask randomly chosen individuals to nominate for vaccination the person they are in contact with who has the most disease-spreading contacts. Even better, ask that person to nominate the next person for vaccination, and so on. To validate this approach, we simulate the spread of COVID-19 along empirical contact networks collected in two high schools, in the United States and France, pre-COVID. These weighted networks are built by recording whenever students are in close spatial proximity and facing one another. We show here that nomination of most popular contacts performs significantly better than random vaccination, and on par with strategies which assume a full survey of the population. These results are robust over a range of realistic disease-spread parameters, as well as a larger synthetic contact network of 3000 individuals.

Abstract: Abstract World War II as a global war had an impact upon almost all nations. The events that took place during the war and their consequences are still being debated today, decades later. This chapter discusses the results of two empirical studies that examined how people from 12 different nations remember World War II. Participants from Australia, Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Poland, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States were asked to nominate the 10 most important events of World War II. The results show great cross-national overlap in events considered to be the most important ones, but they also show striking differences. In particular, Russian participants’ narrative seems quite different from that of other nationals. This chapter discusses potential ways in which national memories may come to adapt to a particular perspective over time but also how persistent idiosyncratic memories of a nation’s past may serve national identity.

Abstract: For years, countless scholars have posited the role of constituency and party pressure on legislators’ roll call voting records. Indeed, though popular estimates of legislators’ preferences often come from roll call data (e.g., DW-NOMINATE scores), most scholars are careful to note that these are not necessarily measures of ideology per se but rather of legislators’ revealed preferences—that is, they reflect both legislators’ ideological commitments as well as the influence of party and constituency. In this paper, we offer fairly robust evidence that existing measures of legislator behavior may be closer to their preferences than once thought. Using a novel survey of former members of the House of Representatives, we leverage the severing of the electoral connection and lack of institutional party pressure to show that legislators’ preferences as measured by existing methods closely mirror their own perceptions of themselves.

Abstract: Political parties are organizations that exist as a consequence of a democratic state that is closely related to general elections. Indonesia will hold simultaneous elections in a few years, of course, studies and references are needed that can help perfect the regulation of political parties and elections. The study can be carried out using the constitutional comparison method because most countries regulate the provisions of political parties and elections in the constitution, for example in Indonesia it is regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The purpose of this study is to determine the arrangement of political parties in elections based on the constitution in each country. The results of the research are expected to be used as an academic reference regarding the regulation of political parties and elections in Indonesia. The research method used is normative legal research by utilizing primary and secondary legal materials which are then analyzed qualitatively. The author uses the constitutions of 42 countries in the world. The results of the study show that political parties are still institutions that are trusted as parties that have the right to submit candidates for legislative and presidential candidates in many countries. There are still more countries that give political parties the exclusive right to nominate such candidates than countries that allow independent candidates.

Abstract: Much literature covers how the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India impacted on the political marginalisation of Muslims, while it has not been examined in sufficient depth how the internal dynamics of Congress contributed to this decline in Muslim nominations for elections. This article examines the Congress party’s organisational circumstances that affected Muslims’ electoral representation in 1980s Gujarat. It demonstrates that, along with the influence of competing Hindutva forces, the ongoing ‘deinstitutionalisation’ of the Congress party also damaged the political representation of Muslims. Interview accounts and archival documents indicate how factional fighting within Congress subverted the faction-like consolidation of the Muslim leaders’ negotiation power. The article argues that despite vertical and dyadic ties with Hindu leaders inside the party, Muslim Congressmen could not attain unified leadership to generate sufficient pressure on the party to nominate Muslims for elections.

Abstract: In recent years, there has been growing interest in policies that offer financial incentives to political parties to nominate women. Under what circumstances do political parties agree to adopt financial incentives for women’s representation? In this article, we conduct a feminist historical institutionalist case study of the adoption of gender-targeted public finance in the Canadian province of New Brunswick in 2017. We draw on a combination of: direct personal experience advocating for financial incentives for women candidates; interviews with party insiders, policymakers and actors within feminist organisations; and documentary evidence. The results have implications for understanding the potential for success of efforts to adopt financial incentives in other jurisdictions.Key messagesHistorical institutional choices, feminist actors and strategic political incentives led to gender-targeted public finance.Reforms that ‘tweak’ the system are easier to achieve than quotas or major system overhauls.Feminist actors and ideas are important but require the right sequence of events to produce change.Governments can be persuaded to adopt feminist policies when it is in their strategic interests.

Abstract: The Presidential Election System in Indonesia is equipped with a unique mechanism that is not applicable in many other countries, namely the presidential nomination threshold by political parties or popularly known as the "Presidential Threshold". According to the Election Law, political parties need to have a minimum of twenty per cent of the Legislative House seats or twenty-five per cent of the votes cast in the most recent legislative member elections. Since this system was unconstitutional, it raised controversies because it limited the rights of established political parties and prevented new political parties from nominating presidential candidates. The purpose of this study is to ascertain the application of the Presidential Threshold process and its implications for the Indonesian general elections. This research is normative in nature. Three different approaches—the conceptual, legislative, and comparative ones—are employed. Legal primary and secondary sources of information were employed. A literature review was conducted to obtain data. Analysis of the data or legal materials is carried out by analytical prescriptive. The study concludes that raising the bar for presidential nominations results in several implications, including restricting political parties' ability to nominate candidates; weakening the essence of people's sovereignty; and contradicting the notions of justice and the presidential system. Because it does not pertain to the clauses outlined in the Republic of Indonesia's constitution, the regulation of the presidential nomination threshold in the Election Law should be deleted.

Abstract: Summary. The description of the Subantarctic Diving Petrel Pelecanoides urinatrix exsul Salvin, 1896, creates confusion because the type series contains specimens of three different taxa. Here we nominate a lectotype, thereby fixing the identity of this taxon, and restrict its type locality to the Baie de l'Observatoire, La Grande Terre, Kerguelen Islands, Indian Ocean. This stabilises its taxonomy.

Abstract: AbstractAs a result of the legislation for gas markets introduced by the European Union in 2005, separate independent companies have to conduct the transport and trading of natural gas. The current gas market of Germany, which has a market value of more than 54 billion USD, consists of Transmission System Operators (TSO), network users, and traders. Traders can nominate a certain amount of gas anytime and anywhere in the network. Such unrestricted access for the traders, on the other hand, increase the uncertainty in the gas supply management. Some customers’ behaviors may cause abrupt structural changes in gas flow time series. In particular, it is a challenging task for the TSO operators to predict gas nominations 6 to 10 h-ahead. In our study, we aim to investigate the regime changes in time series of nominations to predict the 6 to 10 h-ahead of gas nominations.KeywordsRegime switchingNonlinear time seriesGas nomination forecast