Abstract: Do political gender stereotypes exist in egalitarian settings in which all parties nominate women? Do they matter for candidate selection in systems of proportional representation with multiparty competition and preferential voting? To date, these questions remain unanswered because related research is limited to the U.S. case. Our pioneering study examines political stereotypes in one of the “least likely” cases, Finland—a global forerunner in gender equality. We find, first, that stereotypes persist even in egalitarian paradises. Second, when testing across settings of candidate choice, we find that the effect varies greatly: political gender stereotypes are powerful in hypothetical choices, but they work neither in favor of nor against female candidates when many “real,” viable, experienced, and incumbent female candidates are competing. Although in open-list systems with preferential voting, gender stereotypes can directly affect female candidates’ electoral success, in Finland, their actual impact in real legislative elections appears marginal.

Abstract: Studies of selective exposure have focused on use of traditional media sources. However, discussion networks are an integral part of individuals’ information diets. This article extends the selective exposure literature by exploring the potential for networks to likewise be selectively accessed. A pre-registered experiment found that participants nominate denser, more ideologically coherent networks in response to congenial political news relative to uncongenial news, and express willingness to share it with more people. Analysis of open-ended data suggest shared political beliefs are more likely to motivate discussant selection in response to congenial, rather than uncongenial, news. Properties of networks generated in response to political and non-political news did not vary. These results provide nuance to our understanding of political information exposure.

Abstract: This article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied attitude...

Abstract: Studies have shown an aesthetic salience among Western people’s perceptions of creative persons – the tendency to nominate celebrities from the artistic (including literary and philosophical) field as main representatives of creativity. This study was designed to replicate and extend the previous studies with the aim to test this phenomenon with a German sample and examine the factors behind the nominations. A total of 192 students (62.5% females, Mage = 26.1, SD = 4.4) from all over Germany were asked to nominate the most creative Germans and the most creative persons in the world. The aesthetic salience in their nominations was confirmed for both conditions, and it was more pronounced for domestic nominations. The nominated celebrities were predominantly male creators. This aesthetic salience could be partly explained by a four-factor model composed of creativity, likability, social contributions, and influence of others. Analysis of the media coverage revealed a large contribution of Google hits to the creative fame of the nominated persons. Social psychological theories were applied to interpret the results.

Abstract: Proxy access, a long debated governance measure, was directed at reducing shareholder costs in nominating directors. However, since it was first initiated, proxy access raised vigorous opposition, and more important, significant and wide skepticism that shareholders will ever use it to nominate directors. This Article studies the first systemic implementation of proxy access and finds that while proxy access was rarely used to nominate directors, it was used indirectly — as a bargaining tool — to improve board diversity. Accordingly, the study finds that firms with a low number or low proportion of female directors, and firms with all-male boards, were significantly more likely to be targeted by the NYC Comptroller’s proxy access proposals. While promoting diversity wasn’t one of the goals that proxy access was designed to achieve, the resulting effects might not be remote from those intended. Given that institutional investors are not likely to nominate directors, diversity might provide an alternative, pragmatic channel, to increase board independence, monitoring and accountability.

Abstract: In many countries political parties control who can become a candidate for an election. In this gatekeeping role parties may be tempted to put their own interests first, particularly when voters have little information about candidates. This paper uses a theoretical model to demonstrate that electoral incentives can discipline parties to nominate high-quality candidates even when voters are initially unable to observe quality themselves. In equilibrium voters elect candidates that are ex-ante preferred by the party leader with lower probability. This effectively neutralises the bias of the party leader and induces her to use her superior information to select candidates according to the preferences of the median voter. This result requires that electoral competition is sufficiently strong. If competition is weak, nothing can prevent the party leader from following her own preferences. As ideological alignment between the median voter and a party reduces the degree of competition that this party faces, the median voter can be better off when parties are polarized. Excessively strong competition can be harmful, however, as some politicians cease to be viable candidates and the party leader is less able to select on quality. Allowing the party leadership to nominate candidates strategically makes the benefits of introducing primaries less clear than previously argued in the literature.

Abstract: In the democratic form of government, political parties play a determinative and creative role. Striving for public offices is their fundamental objective which distinguishes them from other social organizations; hence, parties utilize all channels to secure maximum parliamentary slots. In a representative and inclusive democracy, political parties perform a set of different jobs ranging from nomination of electoral candidates, managing their campaigns, transforming public sentiments and demands into public policy, citizens’ integration as well as fabricating government and civil society. Giving much importance to the political parties for the development of representative democracy, concerns have been raised about the ways in which they discharge their functions. If democracy deems not to flourish without political parties, then it is also important to assess how political parties are internally democratic in their determination and decision-making, influence and significance, proceeding and practices and distribution and dissemination of authority. In developing states, majority of political parties are operating as family-enterprises lacking true internal democratic culture. Self- centric, dynastic and interrupted politics have plagued the democratic norms and values. By focusing upon the ways and means which the parties adopt to elect their office-bearers as well as the mechanism which they prefer to nominate electoral candidates, the instant study will investigate whether or not the mainstream political parties in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh are democratic in their functioning?

Abstract: Provides an invaluable resource for scholars, students, and political observers who want a comprehensive picture of the past and present of the U.S. presidential nominating system across every state. In 2020, the parties will again nominate their candidates for president. Those nominations will play out in a complicated system of federal law, state law, national party rules, state party rules, and informal norms that have developed over decades. This resource provides a roadmap for understanding the rules of the game and the ways in which they impact elections and politics across the United States. This reference work is organized in two parts. Part I consists of a series of short thematic essays discussing topics such as what primaries and caucuses are, what the difference between open and closed primaries is, varying methods used by the parties for delegate selection, and how campaign finance works in the primaries. Part II consists of a state-by-state description of recent primary/caucus history and the methods currently used for delegate selection by Democrats and Republicans in each state. • Comprehensively examines the development and current features of the presidential nominating system • Authoritatively and objectively summarizes debates and controversies over the rules, operations, and influence of primaries and caucuses • Provides a rich historical background, including primary or caucus results from 2000–2016 for each state, DC, and the territories • Contains detailed information on parties’ 2020 methods of delegate selection in each state, DC, and the territories

Abstract: Senac explores the relationship between French republicanism and the gender parity reforms enacted over the last twenty years. In 2000, France was the first country to institute a legal requirement for political parties to nominate equal numbers of women and men as candidates on election lists. This appears paradoxical in a country where women obtained the right to vote and to be elected only in 1944. While progress was initially slow, in 2017 nearly 40% women were elected to the National Assembly. Yet women continue to be under represented in other key positions, as head of state and government, presidents of parliaments, presidents of regional and departmental councils, and chairpersons of city councils. This suggests that quotas do not address all aspects of male dominance.

Abstract: Which of the new political parties that emerged in advanced democracies faded away and which ones managed to survive and why? Considering a party as dead once it ceases to nominate candidates in any elections, we develop two sets of hypotheses to account for party death derived from two conceptions of political parties. One conceptualizes parties as vehicles formed by career-oriented politicians eager to maximize individual rewards. Failure to deliver seats or government access is therefore expected to predict an earlier death. The other conceptualizes parties as societal organizations that serve representational functions valued in themselves by elites and members alike. This conception stresses the importance of roots in society or ideological novelty. Using survival analysis, we test our hypotheses in 17 advanced democracies based on a new data set covering 144 new parties from birth until their (potential) death. Arguments derived from both conceptions have significant support stressing the complexity of the drivers underpinning parties’ very existence.

Abstract: This article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied attitude towards the current status of democracy, and the research interest lies on the parties that might nominate such candidates in national elections. In doing so, the article establishes a link between work on the democratic beliefs of candidates as a specific part of the political elite and literature on party behaviour. The study is grounded in both classical attempts and recent work on political elites and candidate nomination, and its theoretical framework is based on the assumption that parties principally select supportive candidates. Two major mechanisms are investigated: on the one hand, nomination as an expression of policy congruence between the party and its candidates, on the other, candidate nomination as a way to maintain loyalty with the party’s strategic behaviour in parliament. In a first empirical attempt to this research interest, the study analyses data from 76 parties in 11 European countries.

Abstract: Illes and Lou’s article concerning the language used in order to describe and nominate disabilities is both thoughtful and provocative. Presenting a survey of disability language employed across a ...

Abstract: The 31 March local elections in Turkey, the first local elections after Turkey’s transition to presidential system, was a breaking point in Turkey’s local election history. Contrary to the June 24 elections, the candidates of two party blocs run in the elections without forming alliances in a legal framework. While the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) formed the People’s Alliance, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Good Party came together under the Nation Alliance. The Democratic People’s Party (HDP) did not nominate candidates in 11 provinces and supported the candidates of the Nation Alliance. The parties in the same alliance bloc did not nominate candidates in favor of alliance members in certain electoral circles. In the ballot papers, there were only the emblem of the parties that nominated candidates. Moreover, parties joined in municipal council elections by forming joint lists where only one candidate from the same alliance run for the elections. This study empirically and comparatively analyzes the results of the March 31 local elections in terms of the dynamics of the new political space. Firstly, regarding also the results of the 24 June elections, the study focuses on how Turkey’s new political space was shaped via the alliances in the 31 March local elections. This part of the study also evaluates how pre-electoral alliances and strategic or tactical voting behavior shaped new political sphere and affected the results of local elections. Secondly, based on the People’s Alliance and the Nation Alliance, the election results of the AK Party, MHP, CHP, Good Party, and HDP and bloc politics were analyzed. This data-based comparative analysis clarifies the impact of new dynamics shaping the new political sphere on election results.

Abstract: :unav

Abstract: rOpenSci thrives because of volunteer contributions from community members - submitting and reviewing R packages, serving as editors for software peer review, writing blog posts, sharing information about packages and resources, contributing code and documentation and answering others’ questions. Recently our fiscal sponsor, NumFOCUS, gave us an opportunity to nominate two contributors for recognition at the NumFOCUS annual summit.

Abstract: Subgenus Aspidophorodon Verma, 1967 Aspidophorodon Verma, 1967: 507. Type species: Aspidophorodon harvensis Verma, 1967; by monotypy. Aspidophorodon (Aspidophorodon) Verma: Remaudière & Remaudière, 1997: 73; Stekolshchikov & Novgorodova, 2010: 44; Nieto Nafría et al., 2011: 145. Comments. The nominate subgenus contains five species, including three new species from China described herein. Species of this subgenus are distributed in eastern Asia.

Abstract: :unav

Abstract: Political parties, formal, durable and mass organizations that inform voters on public policy issues, nominate candidates for office and fight elections for the right to govern, are ubiquitous in modern representative democracies but were absent from the direct participatory democracy of ancient Athens. The paper investigates how the political institutions of Athens may explain their absence. The arguments explored include voter homogeneity; the conditions at the start of the democracy, characterized by single constituency configuration of the demos, simple majority voting and lack of organized groups; the irrelevance of holding public office for determining public policy; appointment to public posts through sortition; and voting on single-dimension issues. The paper then discusses how in the absence of parties voters became informed and how political leaders were held accountable by the courts.