TL;DR: Darcy, Welch, and Clark as discussed by the authors examined women candidates and candidacies in the United States and several other democratic nations and found that male voters and political elites are not the barriers to women's election that common wisdom suggests.
Abstract: The first women representatives in the United States were elected in 1894 when Colorado votes sent three women to the state legislature. Now, a century later, women almost everywhere are the majority of voters, but a distinct minority of elected officials. This discrepancy is a puzzle for those who thought democratic institutions would incorporate newly enfranchised women, and a problem for those working to expand democratic representation. Darcy, Welch, and Clark examine women candidates and candidacies in the United States and several other democratic nations. Their careful analysis reveals that male voters and political elites are not the barriers to women's election that common wisdom suggests. Instead, they find that a party's ability to determine candidate selection, along with election procedures that benefit incumbents, produces slow turnover of elected officials and few opportunities for new women candidates. In addition, the authors analyze nomination procedures and election systems to document both the conditions that lead political parties to nominate more women and the mechanisms that yield more victories by women candidates. "Women, Elections, and Representation" is an extensively revised and expanded edition of a successful text that provides a thorough and up-to-date account of research on women and politics. R. Darcy is Regents Professor of Politics and Statistics at Oklahoma State University. Susan Welch is a professor of political science and dean of the College of Liberal Arts at Pennsylvania State University. Janet Clark is a professor of political science at the University of Wyoming.
TL;DR: Trade Unions in the Labour Movement 1934-1939 TLDR: The Trades Union Congress met annually to discuss reports, debate resolutions, and elect Council members. The unions were divided into groups with allotted seats on the Council based on membership size. Election to the Council was by the vote of Congress as a whole.
Abstract: Abstract The Trades Union Congress met annually in the first full week of September to discuss the report of its General Council, to debate resolutions submitted by its 200-odd affiliated unions or by the Council, and to choose the members of the Council for the following twelve months. For this purpose the unions were divided into seventeen groups, to each of which was allotted one, two, or three seats on the Council, roughly according to the membership covered by the group. Every union within a group was entitled to nominate candidates for the allotted seats. There was also an eighteenth group for women, with two seats on the Council, to which all unions with women members were entitled to nominate candidates-making thirty-two seats in all. Election to the Council, however, was by the vote of Congress as a whole. Each affiliated union was entitled to send one delegate to Congress ‘for every 5,000 members or fraction thereof. Not all of them filled their quotas, but that did not diminish their voting strength, since voting was by cards, issued to each union ‘on the basis of one vote for every 1,000 members or fractional part thereof represented’.
TL;DR: The future of the southern Democrats and American party factionalism in the 1990s is bright if Clinton wins the presidency and is re-elected in 1996.
Abstract: Abstract Given the spectacular success of the all-southern Democratic Clinton- Gore ticket in 1992, the short-term prospects for the southern wing of the Democratic party would appear to be very bright indeed. In defiance of the apparent logic of the presidential nominating process during the 1968-88 period, an ostensibly moderate southerner was able to win the Democratic presidential nomination with ease and end more than a decade of Republican domination of the presidency. Whereas from the Civil War up to almost the end of the New Deal era it was virtually inconceivable that the Democratic party would nominate a southerner for president, since 1964 the only times when the Democratic party has won presidential elections has been with southern nominees: Johnson, Carter, and now Clinton. Yet parties exist not only to win elections but also to govern in accordance with a set of principles or policies, and the reemergence of the southern wing of the Democratic party needs to be confirmed by a successful Clinton presidency followed by reelection in 1996. Failure in office for a second time might well doom the southern conservative wing of the party to a further spell in the wilderness while the Republicans dominate the White House.
TL;DR: The wartime electoral truce and the coalition government significantly limited political activity, restricting it mainly to individuals and temporary groupings.
Abstract: Abstract Much of the peacetime activity of British political parties was suspended from the beginning of the war by the agreement between the three major parties on an electoral truce, whereby they undertook not to nominate candidates for vacant parliamentary seats against the candidate of the party that had held the seat before lhe vacancy occurred. This agreement did not, of course, prevent minor parties or independent candidates from contesting by-elections, but it did mean that in most by elections there was little chance of the party in possession losing the seat. The incentive to local party activity was thus reduced and it was further limited by the suspension by Act of Parliament of local elections, leaving it to the local parties to replace by nomination councillors who died or retired. The advent of the coalition government further restricted normal party activities in Parliament since there was now no opposition party. Criticism of government actions and proposals was left to individuals or temporary groupings. A further limitation was the suspension of private members’ bills and motions.