About: Intermediate sanctions is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 322 publications have been published within this topic receiving 11252 citations.
TL;DR: For example, the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions to force Iraq out of Kuwait, to force Serbia to stop aiding the Bosnian rebels, to topple the Haitian military, and to end apartheid.
Abstract: T h e worlds major powers and the United Nations (UN) are increasingly using economic sanctions to achieve international political objectives. For example, the United Nations recently imposed sanctions to force Iraq out of Kuwait, to compel Serbia to stop aiding the Bosnian rebels, to topple the Haitian military, and to end apartheid. Similarly, the United States has threatened to punish China economically for human rights abuses and has tightened its long-standing embargo of Cuba. From 1991 to 1994 the UN Security Council imposed mandatory sanctions eight times, compared to only twice from 1945 to 1990.' A critical signal that faith in economic sanctions continues to grow was given in January 1995, when then-UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali prop s e d the creation of a new UN agency to monitor the implementation of economic sanctions and to assess in advance the likely effectiveness of contemplated sanctions? Military instruments are often thought to be the only effective means for achieving ambitious foreign policy goals like taking or defending territory, altering a state's military behavior, and changing a state's regime or internal political structure. Since World War I, however, economic sanctions have come to be viewed as the liberal alternative to war.3 From crises involving the League of Nations before World War I1 to disputes involving the United Nations today, proponents typically argue that economic sanctions can often be as effective as military force and are more humane. As David Baldwin has stated, \"Reasonable people may differ with respect to the utility of
TL;DR: In the United States, the public clearly accepts, if not prefers, a range of punitive policies (e.g., capital punishment, three-strikes-and-you're-out laws, imprisonment). But support for get-tough policies is "mushy" as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: "Get tough" control policies in the United States are often portrayed as the reflection of the public's will: Americans are punitive and want offenders locked up. Research from the past decade both reinforces and challenges this assessment. The public clearly accepts, if not prefers, a range of punitive policies (e. g., capital punishment, three-strikes-and-you're-out laws, imprisonment). But support for get-tough policies is "mushy." Thus citizens may be willing to substitute a sentence of life imprisonment without parole for the death penalty. Especially when nonviolent offenders are involved, there is substantial support for intermediate sanctions and for restorative justice. Despite three decades of criticism, rehabilitation-particularly for the young-remains an integral part of Americans' correctional philosophy. There is also widespread support for early intervention programs. In the end, the public shows a tendency to be punitive and progressive, wishing the correctional system to achieve the diver...
TL;DR: In Between Prison and Probation as mentioned in this paper, Morris and Tonry argue that the American criminal justice system is both too severe and too lenient, with a near-vacuum of useful punishments in between.
Abstract: Across the country prisons are jammed to capacity, and in extreme cases, barges and mobile homes are used to stem the overflow. Probation officers in some cities have caseloads of 200 and more--hardly a manageable number of offenders to track and supervise. And with about one million people in prison and jail, and two and a half million on probation, it is clear we are experiencing a crisis in our penal system. In Between Prison and Probation, Norval Morris and Michael Tonry, two of the nation's leading criminologists, offer an important and timely strategy for alleviating these problems. They argue that our overwhelmed corrections system cannot cope with the flow of convicted offenders because the two extremes of punishment--imprisonment and probation--are both used excessively, with a near-vacuum of useful punishments in between. Morris and Tonry propose instead a comprehensive program that relies on a range of punishment including fines and other financial sanctions, community service, house arrest, intensive probation, closely supervised treatment programs for drugs, alcohol and mental illness, and electronic monitoring of movement. Used in rational combinations, these "intermediate" punishments would better serve the community than our present polarised choice. Serious consideration of these punishments has been hindered by the widespread perception that they are therapeutic rather than punitive. The reality, however, Morris and Tonry argue, "is that the American criminal justice system is both too severe and too lenient--almost randomly." Systematically implemented and rigorously enforced, intermediate punishments can "better and more economically serve the community, the victim, and the criminal than the prison terms and probation orders they supplant." Between Prison and Probation goes beyond mere advocacy of an increasing use of interdediate punishments; the book also addresses the difficult task of fitting these punishments into a comprehensive, fair and community-protective sentencing system.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors draw lessons drawn from case studies historical overview the cyclical popularity of sanctions sender countries and their motives limitations on the use of sanctions plan of the book.
Abstract: Part 1 Introduction: lessons drawn from case studies historical overview the cyclical popularity of sanctions sender countries and their motives limitations on the use of sanctions plan of the book. Part 2 Anatomy of a sanctions episode: senders and targets type of sanctions foreign policy goals overview of the variables the success of an episode companion policy measures length of sanctions international co-operation international assistance to the target country economic health and political stability prior relations between sender and target estimating the costs country size and trade links analytic methods on to the results. Part 3 Political variables: modest changes in policy destabilizing a government disrupting military adventures impairing military potential other major policy changes. Part 4 Economic variables: size of sender and target countries trade linkages type of sanction the cost of sanctions. Part 5 Conclusions: are sanctions effective? nine commandments do's and don'ts. Appendices: statistical analysis of the effectiveness of sanctions estimating the costs of sanctions - methodology case abstracts.