Abstract: Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches. By Nolan McCarty, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006. 240p. $35.00. Hyperbole was rampant in the aftermath of the 2000 elections. Pundits, politicos, and journalists asserted that the United States was in the midst of a culture war. The country appeared to be polarized to many, and this polarization reached a crescendo in 2000, with the now “classic” red/blue map of the continental United States serving as the iconic image of this divide and with blabocrats and politicians alike all pronouncing the end of centrism. Notably absent in all this discussion, though, was actual empirical evidence, a sense of historical perspective, and a meaningful explanation for this apparent polarization beyond sophomoric cries of cultural wars and diverging beliefs about morality. While political science as a discipline had considerable expertise to bear on this “cultural divide,” the discipline had remained fairly quiet on this polarization.

Abstract: While I write this chapter, millions of people in the Darfur province of Sudan have been terrorized off their land; the entire population of Iraq has little idea what the future of their country will be; survivors of hurricane Katrina are dispersed across the United States; people in Britain are anxious about immigration and are toying with the idea of supporting the British National Party; people in a small town in Tasmania wait to hear if members of their community have been found alive in a mine collapse; air travelers the world over have no idea what new security arrangements await them when they get to the airport; and we all wonder about the consequences of further escalation in the price of oil and of the standoff over Iran's uranium enrichment program. The world is an uncertain place, it always has been, and these uncertainties can make it very difficult to predict or plan our lives and to feel sure about the type of people we are. In this chapter, I describe how feelings of uncertainty, particularly about or related to self, motivate people to identify with social groups and to choose new groups with, or configure existing groups to have, certain properties that best reduce, control, or protect from feelings of uncertainty. I consider this uncertainty–identity theory to be a development of the motivational component of social identity theory. It addresses why, when, and how strongly people identify with groups, and why groups may have particular generic properties in certain contexts. Of particular relevance to contemporary postmodern society, uncertainty reduction theory provides an account of zealotry and the cult of the “true believer” in the thrall of ideology and powerful leadership—an account of conditions that may spawn extremism, a silo mentality, and a loss of moral or ethical perspective. In this chapter, I describe uncertainty–identity theory and some conceptual elaborations and applications, review direct and indirect empirical tests, and locate the theory in the context of related ideas and theories in social psychology. I start with a historical sketch of why, when, and how uncertainty–identity theory was developed, then go on to discuss uncertainty reduction as a motivation for human behavior. I then detail the process by which group identification reduces uncertainty and describe a program of studies showing that people who feel uncertain are more likely to identify and identify more strongly with groups. High‐entitativity groups are best equipped to reduce uncertainty through identification—entitativity moderates the uncertainty–identification relation. I discuss this idea and describe research that supports it, and then extend the analysis to deal with extremism and totalistic groups—describing how extreme uncertainty may encourage strong identification (zealotry, fanaticism, being a true believer) with groups that are structured in a totalistic fashion. Again I describe some research supporting this idea. The next section deals with extensions, applications, and implications of uncertainty–identity theory. I discuss the relation between depersonalization and self‐projection processes in uncertainty‐motivated group identification, and then, in a subsection entitled central members, marginal members, leaders, and deviants, I focus on the role of group prototypicality in uncertainty reduction processes. The role of trust, the relation between uncertainty, identity, and ideology, and the role of uncertainty in social mobilization are also discussed. The final section, before concluding comments, discusses other theories, approaches, and topics that deal with constructs related to those discussed by uncertainty–identity theory. Specifically, I discuss uncertainty as a state versus a trait, with a focus on the constructs of need for cognitive closure and uncertainty orientation; the role played by culture in uncertainty; and the relevance of terror management, compensatory conviction, self‐verification, and system justification.

Abstract: During the past two decades, the radical right has reemerged as an electoral force in Western Europe, as well as in other stable democracies such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Aside from discussing the ideology of this party family and how it relates to older forms of right-wing radicalism and extremism, such as fascism, this review deals with the question of how the emergence of radical right-wing parties can be explained and why such parties have been considerably more successful among voters in some countries than in others. Possible explanations are grouped into two parts: The first consists of so-called demand-centered explanations, that is, explanations that focus on changing preferences, beliefs, and attitudes among voters. The second consists of so-called supply-side explanations, that is, explanations that focus on political opportunity structures and party organizational factors.

Abstract: Using insights from the social movement literature and institutional change theory, we explore how activism influences corporate social change activities. As the responsibility for addressing a variety of social issues is transferred from the state to the private sector, activist groups increasingly challenge firms to take up such issues, seeking to influence the nature and level of corporate social change activities. Eventually, they aim to bring about field-level change. We argue that ideological differences among activist groups motivate them to choose different influence tactics to support their claims.

Abstract: This article outlines a ‘feminist critical discourse analysis’ at the nexus of critical discourse analysis and feminist studies, with the aim of advancing rich and nuanced analyses of the complex workings of power and ideology in discourse in sustaining hierarchically gendered social orders. This is especially pertinent in the present time; it is recognized that operations of gender ideology and institutionalized power asymmetries between (and among) groups of women and men are complexly intertwined with other social identities and are variable across cultures. Gender ideology and power asymmetries in late modern societies also have become increasingly more subtle and, at the same time, as a result of backlash against feminism, have re-emerged with a new blatancy. The article offers a rationale for highlighting a feminist perspective in CDA, and proposes five key principles for a feminist discourse praxis. In concluding, a brief analysis and discussion of some data on postfeminism is provided, illustratin...

Abstract: Focusing on the representation of climate change in the British “quality press,” this article argues that the discursive (re)construction of scientific claims in the media is strongly entangled with ideological standpoints. Understood here as a set of ideas and values that legitimate a program of action vis-a-vis a given social and political order, ideology works as a powerful selection device in deciding what is scientific news, i.e. what the relevant “facts” are, and who are the authorized “agents of definition” of science matters. The representation of scientific knowledge has important implications for evaluating political programs and assessing the responsibility of both governments and the public in addressing climate change.

Abstract: During the past two decades, the radical right has reemerged as an electoral force in Western Europe, as well as in other stable democracies such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Aside from discussing the ideology of this party family and how it relates to older forms of right-wing radicalism and extremism, such as fascism, this review deals with the question of how the emergence of radical right-wing parties can be explained and why such parties have been considerably more successful among voters in some countries than in others. Possible explanations are grouped into two parts: The first consists of so-called demand-centered explanations, that is, explanations that focus on changing preferences, beliefs, and attitudes among voters. The second consists of so-called supply-side explanations, that is, explanations that focus on political opportunity structures and party organizational factors.

Abstract: A number of authors have observed a pronounced discrepancy between the problem‐solving and action‐oriented goals associated with the contemporary philosophy of environmental education and an emphas...

Abstract: Contemporary metaphor theory has recently begun to address the relation between metaphor, culture and ideology. In this wide-ranging book, Andrew Goatly, using lexical data from his database Metalude , investigates how conceptual metaphor themes construct our thinking and social behaviour in fields as diverse as architecture, engineering, education, genetics, ecology, economics, politics, industrial time-management, medicine, immigration, race, and sex. He argues that metaphor themes are created not only through the universal body but also through cultural experience, so that an apparently universal metaphor such as event-structure as realized in English grammar is, in fact, culturally relative, compared with e.g. the construal of 'cause and effect' in the Algonquin language Blackfoot. Moreover, event-structure as a model is both scientifically reactionary and, as the basis for technological mega-projects, has proved environmentally harmful. Furthermore, the ideologies of early capitalism created or exploited a selection of metaphor themes historically traceable through Hobbes, Hume, Smith, Malthus and Darwin. These metaphorical concepts support neo-Darwinian and neo-conservative ideologies apparent at the beginning of the 21 st century, ideologies underpinning our social and environmental crises. The conclusion therefore recommends skepticism of metaphor’s reductionist tendencies.

Abstract: Bilingualism is today as much a topic of academic research and public debate as it has ever been in the period since the end of World War II, as globalization and the new economy, migration and the expanded and rapid circulation of information, keep the question at the forefront of economic, political, social and educational concerns. The purpose of this book is to explore one particular set of approaches to the topic which seems particularly useful for understanding what bilingualism might mean today, in this context of social change, and how new understandings of it, as ideology and practice, also contribute to linguistic and social theory. In particular, the book aims to move the field of bilingualism studies away from a ‘common-sense’, but in fact highly ideologized, view of bilingualism as the coexistence of two linguistic systems, and to develop a critical perspective which allows for a better grasp on the ways in which language practices are socially and politically embedded. The aim is to move discussions of bilingualism away from a focus on the whole bounded units of code and community, and towards a more processual and materialist approach which privileges language as social practice, speakers as social actors and boundaries as products of social action.

Abstract: Preface 1. Introduction to Curriculum Ideologies Your Beliefs About Curriculum The Curriculum Ideologies Curriculum Workers The Nature of the Curriculum Ideologies 2. Scholar Academic Ideology Scholar Academic Curricula Curriculum and the Disciplines The Academic Disciplines Curriculum Issues Historical Context Aims Knowledge The Child Learning Teaching Evaluation Concluding Perspective 3. Social Efficiency Ideology A Scientific Technique of Curriculum Making Programmed Curriculum and the Behavioral Engineer The Analogy Social Orientation Objectives Historical Context Aims Knowledge Learning The Child Teaching Evaluation Concluding Perspective 4. Learner Centered Ideology The Ideal School Learners The Growing Individual The Learning Person The Curriculum: Unit of Work Versus School Subject Historical Context Aims The Child Learning Teaching Knowledge Evaluation Concluding Perspective 5. Social Reconstruction Ideology Highlander Sixth-Grade Social Reconstruction Mathematics Society and Reconstruction Reconstruction Through Education Historical Context Aims The Child Learning Teaching Knowledge Evaluation Concluding Perspective 6. A Comparative Overview of Curriculum Ideologies Comparative Summary Other Parameters Concluding Perspective 7. Individual Perspectives on Curriculum Ideologies Curriculum Life Histories Can People Believe in More Than One Ideology? Why Do Educators Change Ideologies? Concluding Perspective Appendix: Curriculum Ideologies Inventory References Index About the Author Why Do Educators Change Ideologies? Concluding Perspective Appendix Curriculum Ideologies Inventory Instructions for Graphing the Results of the Inventory Curriculum Ideologies Inventory Graphing Sheet Instructions for Interpreting the Results of the Inventory Example of a Completed Graph for the Curriculum Ideologies Inventory References Index About the Author

Abstract: I have just made a series of connections between Derek Walcott’s aesthetic concerns, his established authorial tendencies, and the multiple social and political locations within which his career has developed. The case studies in Part II work in a similar way. My attention to writers’ biographies and their relationships to the literary marketplace is at odds with the notion, common throughout much of the twentieth century, and even now possessing some nostalgic power, that successful literature should register the absence of the author as its most apparent creator. As R. Jackson Wilson points out, through multiple influences from fin de siecle art for art’s sake ideology to New Critical formalism, from semiotics to poststructuralism, the ‘true artist’ has often been thought to operate as though ‘the cost of his success was a kind of self-denial, a successful withholding of the self from the work.’2

Abstract: Abstract During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, while key decisions were debated by the victorious Allied powers, a multitude of smaller nations and colonies held their breath, waiting to see how their fates would be decided. President Woodrow Wilson, in his Fourteen Points, had called for "a free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims," giving equal weight would be given to the opinions of the colonized peoples and the colonial powers. Among those nations now paying close attention to Wilson's words and actions were the budding nationalist leaders of four disparate non-Western societies--Egypt, India, China, and Korea. That spring, Wilson's words would help ignite political upheavals in all four of these countries. This book is the first to place the 1919 Revolution in Egypt, the Rowlatt Satyagraha in India, the May Fourth movement in China, and the March First uprising in Korea in the context of a broader "Wilsonian moment" that challenged the existing international order. Using primary source material from America, Europe, and Asia, historian Erez Manela tells the story of how emerging nationalist movements appropriated Wilsonian language and adapted it to their own local culture and politics as they launched into action on the international stage. The rapid disintegration of the Wilsonian promise left a legacy of disillusionment and facilitated the spread of revisionist ideologies and movements in these societies; future leaders of Third World liberation movements - Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, and Jawaharlal Nehru, among others - were profoundly shaped by their experiences at the time. The importance of the Paris Peace Conference and Wilson's influence on international affairs far from the battlefields of Europe cannot be underestimated. Now, for the first time, we can clearly see just how the events played out at Versailles sparked a wave of nationalism that is still resonating globally today.

Abstract: In the past fifteen years, as the “narrative turn in the humanities” gave way to the narrative turn everywhere (politics, science studies, law, medicine, and last, but not least, cognitive science), few words have enjoyed so much use and suffered so much abuse as narrative and its partial synonym, story . The French theorist Jean-Francois Lyotard invokes the “Grand Narratives” of a capitalized History; the psychologist Jerome Bruner speaks of narratives of identity; the philosopher Daniel Dennett describes mental activity on the neural level as the continuous emergence and decay of narrative drafts; the political strategist James Carville attributes the loss of John Kerry in the 2004 presidential election to the lack of a convincing narrative; and “narratives of race, class and gender” have become a mantra of cultural studies. Gerald Prince regards the contemporary use of the term narrative as a hedging device, a way to avoid strong positions: “One says 'narrative' instead of 'explanation' or 'argumentation' (because it is more tentative); one prefers 'narrative' to 'theory,' 'hypothesis,' or 'evidence' (because it is less scientistic); one speaks of a 'narrative' rather than 'ideology' (because it is less judgmental); one substitutes 'narrative' for 'message' (because it is more indeterminate).” Another narrative theorist, Peter Brooks, attributes the surging popularity of the word to a more positive cause: “While I think the term has been trivialized through overuse, I believe the overuse responds to a recognition that narrative is one of the principal ways we organize our experience of the world - a part of our cognitive tool kit that was long neglected by psychologists and philosophers.”

Abstract: The issue of sex trafficking has become increasingly politicized in recent years due to the efforts of an influential moral crusade. This article examines the social construction of sex trafficking (and prostitution more generally) in the discourse of leading activists and organizations within the crusade, and concludes that the central claims are problematic, unsubstantiated, or demonstrably false. The analysis documents the increasing endorsement and institutionalization of crusade ideology in U.S. government policy and practice.

Abstract: This paper provides a review of recent developments in the social psychology of movement participation. It begins with a description of forms of participation and continues with a discussion of participation in the life course. The centre piece, however, concerns the dynamics of participation. Elaborating on these dynamics the ‘demand-supply’ metaphor is borrowed from economics. Participation in a social movement is defined as the outcome of a process of mobilization that brings a demand for political protest that exists in a society together with a supply of opportunities to take part in protest offered by movement organizations. The social psychological transaction that is taking place between an individual considering to participate in a social movement activity and a movement organization trying to persuade the individual to take part in its activities is conceptualised in terms of three fundamental motives: people may want to change their circumstances (instrumentality), they may want to act as members of their group (identity), or they may want to give meaning to their world and express their views and feelings (ideology). The demand- and supplyside of participation are discussed in terms of these three motives. Steps in the process of mobilization are analysed. Keywords Participation, social movement, social psychology, political psychology, mobilization process Resumo Este artigo faz uma revisao do recente desenvolvimento da psicologia social dos movimentos sociais. Inicia-se com uma descricao das formas de participacao e continua com uma descricao da participacao na vida social. A questao central, no entanto, diz respeito a dinâmica de participacao. Palavras-Chave Participacao, movimentos sociais, psicologia social, psicologia politica, processo de mobilizacao

Abstract: The How to Read series provides a context and an explanation that will facilitate and enrich your understanding of texts vital to the canon. These books use excerpts from the major texts to explain essential topics, such as Jacques Lacan's core ideas about enjoyment, which re-created our concept of psychoanalysis. Lacan's motto of the ethics of psychoanalysis involves a profound paradox. Traditionally, psychoanalysis was expected to allow the patient to overcome the obstacles which prevented access to "normal" sexual enjoyment; today, however, we are bombarded by different versions of the injunction "Enjoy!" Psychoanalysis is the only discourse in which you are allowed not to enjoy. Slavoj Zizek's passionate defense of Lacan reasserts Lacan's ethical urgency. For Lacan, psychoanalysis is a procedure of reading and each chapter reads a passage from Lacan as a tool to interpret another text from philosophy, art or popular ideology.

Abstract: Debate around the ecologically noble savage represents two markedly different research threads. The first addresses the issue of conservation among native peoples and narrowly focuses on case studies of resource use of ethnographic, archaeological, or historic sources. The second thread is broader and more humanistic and political in orientation and considers the concept of ecological nobility in terms of identity, ecological knowledge, ideology, and the deployment of ecological nobility as a political tool by native peoples and conservation groups.

Abstract: We examined Blacks' and Whites' perceptions of group variability and positivity as well as their beliefs about the extent to which multiculturalism and colorblindness would improve intergroup relations. In two studies, responses to questionnaires indicated that the tendency to endorse multiculturalism more than colorblindness was greater among Blacks than Whites; Blacks consistently endorsed multiculturalism more than colorblindness and Whites endorsed colorblindness more than did Blacks. Both studies also revealed evidence of out-group homogeneity and ethnocentrism. Stronger endorsement of multiculturalism relative to colorblindness predicted stronger stereotypes among Blacks, whereas stronger endorsement of colorblindness relative to multiculturalism predicted stronger stereotypes among Whites. In Study 2, stronger endorsement of multiculturalism relative to colorblindness predicted less ethnocentrism; this relationship did not depend on ethnicity.

Abstract: Contemporary institutional theorizing in the field of organizations dates back thirty-odd years. This particularly describes what are called new or neo-institutionalisms. These terms evoke contrasts with earlier theories of the embeddedness of organizations in social and cultural contexts, now retrospectively called the ‘old institutionalism’ (Hirsch & Lounsbury, 1997; Stinchcombe, 1997). They went through a period of inattention, so that when institutional thinking came back in force after the 1960s, it seemed quite new. Institutional theories, as they emerged in the 1970s, received much attention in the field, along with other lines of thought emphasizing the dependence of modern organizations on their environments. Perhaps surprisingly, they continue to receive attention, and seem to retain substantial measures of vigor. One secondary aim, here, is to explain why. I primarily review the status and prospects of the principal themes of institutional theory. I concentrate on sociological institutionalism, as capturing core ideas in their most dramatic form, rather than the limited arguments emphasized in economics or political science. And within sociological versions, I concentrate on phenomenological theories. These reflect my own interests, are continuing loci of research creativity, and contrast most sharply with other lines of social scientific theorizing about organizations. In practice, ‘organizations’ tends to be both a research field, and a realist ideology about modern society: phenomenological thinking steps back from that commitment, and is useful in analyzing, for example, why so much formal organization exists in the modern world (Drori, Meyer,& Hwang, 2006).

Abstract: * Preface and acknowledgements * Map of the Congo * 1. Half a holocaust * 2. The Political economy of pillage * 3. Congo must be sweet - image and ideology in the Congo wars * 4. War in South Kivu * 5. War in North Kivu * 6. Congo and the international community * 7. After the war

Abstract: Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to propose important determinants of knowledge sharing, including co‐worker congruence, received task interdependence, organizational commitment and participative decision‐making. Exchange ideology is considered a moderator in this study.Design/methodology/approach – A two‐step procedure of structural equation modeling is applied for data analysis. The moderating effects are simultaneously examined using data from employees across different industries.Findings – This study suggests the influence of co‐worker congruence on knowledge sharing is stronger for individuals with low exchange ideology than for those with high exchange ideology, while the influence of received task interdependence on knowledge sharing is stronger for individuals with high exchange ideology than for those with low exchange ideology. The influence of participative decision‐making on knowledge sharing is stronger for individuals with high exchange ideology than for those with low exchange ideolo...

Abstract: 1. Introduction Bert van den Brink and David Owen Part I. Philosophical Approaches to Recognition: 2. Analyzing recognition: identification, acknowledgment and recognitive attitudes towards persons Heikki Ikaheimo and Arto Laitinen 3. Recognition and reconciliation: actualized agency in Hegel's jena phenomenology Robert Pippin 4. Damaged life: power and recognition in Adorno's ethics Bert van den Brink 5. The potential and the actual: Mead, Honneth, and the 'I' Patchen Markell Part II. Recognition and Power in Social Theory: 6. Work, recognition, emancipation Beate Roessler 7. '... that all members should be loved in the same way...' Lior Barshack 8. Recognition of love's labor: considering Axel Honneth's feminism Iris Marion Young Part III. Recognition and Power in Political Theory: 9. 'To tolerate means to insult': toleration, recognition, and emancipation 10. Misrecognition, power, and democracy Veit Bader 11. Reasonable deliberation, constructive power, and the struggle for recognition Anthony Simon Laden 12. Self-government and 'democracy as reflexive co-operation': reflection on Honneth's social and political ideal David Owen Part IV. Axel Honneth on Recognition and Power: 13. Recognition as ideology Axel Honneth 14. Rejoinder Axel Honneth.

Abstract: List of Tables and Figures Acknowledgements Transcription Conventions The Professional Workplace as a Research Site Gender Discourses: A Critical Sociolinguistic Approach Collecting Workplace Data Analysing Workplace Interaction The Retail Company The Manufacturing Company Gendered Work: Ideologies and Stereotypes in Action Towards the Future: Breaking the Stereotypes of Gendered work References Appendix Index

Abstract: Twenty-five years ago, when Pat Robertson and other radio and televangelists first spoke of the United States becoming a Christian nation that would build a global Christian empire, it was hard to take such hyperbolic rhetoric seriously. Today, such language no longer sounds like hyperbole but poses, instead, a very real threat to our freedom and our way of life. In "American Fascists, " Chris Hedges, veteran journalist and author of the National Book Award finalist "War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, " challenges the Christian Right's religious legitimacy and argues that at its core it is a mass movement fueled by unbridled nationalism and a hatred for the open society. Hedges, who grew up in rural parishes in upstate New York where his father was a Presbyterian pastor, attacks the movement as someone steeped in the Bible and Christian tradition. He points to the hundreds of senators and members of Congress who have earned between 80 and 100 percent approval ratings from the three most influential Christian Right advocacy groups as one of many signs that the movement is burrowing deep inside the American government to subvert it. The movement's call to dismantle the wall between church and state and the intolerance it preaches against all who do not conform to its warped vision of a Christian America are pumped into tens of millions of American homes through Christian television and radio stations, as well as reinforced through the curriculum in Christian schools. The movement's yearning for apocalyptic violence and its assault on dispassionate, intellectual inquiry are laying the foundation for a new, frightening America."American Fascists, " which includes interviews and coverage of events such as pro-life rallies and weeklong classes on conversion techniques, examines the movement's origins, its driving motivations and its dark ideological underpinnings. Hedges argues that the movement currently resembles the young fascist movements in Italy and Germany in the 1920s and '30s, movements that often masked the full extent of their drive for totalitarianism and were willing to make concessions until they achieved unrivaled power. The Christian Right, like these early fascist movements, does not openly call for dictatorship, nor does it use physical violence to suppress opposition. In short, the movement is not yet revolutionary. But the ideological architecture of a Christian fascism is being cemented in place. The movement has roused its followers to a fever pitch of despair and fury. All it will take, Hedges writes, is one more national crisis on the order of September 11 for the Christian Right to make a concerted drive to destroy American democracy. The movement awaits a crisis. At that moment they will reveal themselves for what they truly are -- the American heirs to fascism. Hedges issues a potent, impassioned warning. We face an imminent threat. His book reminds us of the dangers liberal, democratic societies face when they tolerate the intolerant.

Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION. 1. Environmental Problems and Ecosystems. 2. Human Systems, Environment, and Social Science. II. READING THE EARTHS VITAL SIGNS. 3. The Resources of the Earth: Sources and Sinks. 4. Global Climate Change: Uncertainty, Risk, and Policy. III. THE HUMAN CAUSES OF ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS. 5. Population, Environment, and Food. 6. Energy and Society. 7. Alternative Futures: Sustainability and Social Change. IV. TOWARD A SUSTAINABLE WORLD? 8. Environmentalism: Ideology, Action, and Movements. 9. Transforming Structures: Markets, Politics, and Policy. 10. Trade, International Regimes, and the Third Revolution.