Abstract: Acknowledgments vii To Start: Understanding the World in Which We Live ix 1. Historical Origins of World-Systems Analysis: From Social Science Disciplines to Historical Social Sciences 1 2. The Modern World-System as a Capitalist World-Economy: Production, Surplus-Value, and Polarization 23 3. The Rise of the States-System: Sovereign Nation-States, Colonies, and the Interstate System 41 4. The Creation of a Geoculture: Ideologies, Social Movements, Social Science 60 5. The Modern World-System in Crisis: Bifurcation, Chaos, and Choices 76 Glossary 91 Bibliographical Guide 101 Index 105

Abstract: Social enterprise has emerged as a businesslike contrast to the traditional nonprofit organization This article develops an explanatory direction for social enterprise based on institutional perspectives rather than more traditional rational economic concepts Through Suchman's typology of legitimacy (1995), the article argues that the origin and evolution of social enterprise is put into dramatically different focus, particularly through the concept of moral legitimacy Moral legitimacy not only connects the overall emergence of social enterprise with neoconservative, pro-business, and promarket political and ideological values that have become central in many nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development but also explains the observation that social enterprise is being more frequently understood and practiced in more narrow commercial and revenue-generation terms

Abstract: This article focuses on consumer movements that seek ideological and cultural change. Building from a basis in New Social Movement (NSM) theory, we study these movements among anti‐advertising, anti‐Nike, and anti‐GE food activists. We find activists’ collective identity linked to an evangelical identity related to U.S. activism’s religious roots. Our findings elucidate the value of spiritual and religious identities to gaining commitment, warn of the perils of preaching to the unconverted, and highlight movements that seek to transform the ideology and culture of consumerism. Conceiving mainstream consumers as ideological opponents inverts conventional NSM theories that view them as activists’ clients.

Abstract: The increasing realisation that there are modern problems for which there are no modern solutions points towards the need to move beyond the paradigm of modernity and, hence, beyond the Third World. Imagining after the Third World takes place against the backdrop of two major processes: first, the rise of a new US-based form of imperial globality, an economic–military– ideological order that subordinates regions, peoples and economies world-wide. Imperial globality has its underside in what could be called, following a group of Latin American researchers, global coloniality, meaning by this the heightened marginalisation and suppression of the knowledge and culture of subaltern groups. The second social process is the emergence of self-organising social movement networks, which operate under a new logic, fostering forms of counter-hegemonic globalisation. It is argued that, to the extent that they engage with the politics of difference, particularly through place-based yet transnationalised political stra...

Abstract: This article raises questions about current educational reform efforts now underway in a number of nations. Research from a number of countries is used to document some of the hidden differential effects of two connected strategies—neo-liberal inspired market proposals and neo-liberal, neo-conservative, and middle class managerial inspired regulatory proposals, including national curricula and national testing. This article describes how different interests with different educational and social visions compete for dominion in the social field of power surrounding educational policy and practice. In the process, it documents some of the complexities and imbalances in this fiel do f power. These complexities and imbalances result in “thin” rather than “thick” morality and tend toward the reproduction of both dominant pedagogical and curricular forms and ideologies and the social privileges that accompany them.

Abstract: Objective. Given that the group aspect of party identification forms a central, yet largely unexplored element of American partisanship, social identity theory presents a compelling social-psychological theory of group belonging through which to reinterpret the contemporary understanding of partisanship. Methods. Using a mail survey of 302 randomly selected Franklin County, Ohio residents, levels of social identification with the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and political independents are measured using the Identification with a Psychological Group (IDPG) scale. Scores on the IDPG are used to predict attitudes toward parties and the consistency of partisan behavior. Results. Levels of partisan social identity proved to be significant predictors of political party ratings, ideology, and party activities, even when taking traditional measures of partisan strength into account. Conclusions. Social identity is a fundamental aspect of partisanship, which, when measured, can lead to superior prediction and understanding of related political attitudes and behaviors.

Abstract: In the summer of 1991, population geneticists and evolutionary biologists proposed to archive human genetic diversity by collecting the genomes of "isolated indigenous populations." Their initiative, which became known as the Human Genome Diversity Project, generated early enthusiasm from those who believed it would enable huge advances in our understanding of human evolution. However, vocal criticism soon emerged. Physical anthropologists accused Project organizers of reimporting racist categories into science. Indigenous-rights leaders saw a "Vampire Project" that sought the blood of indigenous people but not their well-being. More than a decade later, the effort is barely off the ground. How did an initiative whose leaders included some of biology's most respected, socially conscious scientists become so stigmatized? How did these model citizen-scientists come to be viewed as potential racists, even vampires? This book argues that the long abeyance of the Diversity Project points to larger, fundamental questions about how to understand knowledge, democracy, and racism in an age when expert claims about genomes increasingly shape the possibilities for being human. Jenny Reardon demonstrates that far from being innocent tools for fighting racism, scientific ideas and practices embed consequential social and political decisions about who can define race, racism, and democracy, and for what ends. She calls for the adoption of novel conceptual tools that do not oppose science and power, truth and racist ideologies, but rather draw into focus their mutual constitution.

Abstract: Since the 1980s, a growing number of radical right‐wing populist parties have managed to establish themselves permanently in the party systems of advanced liberal capitalist democracies. Initially dismissed as ephemeral reflections of a general debasement of politics in recent years, they represent today one of the most serious challenges to liberal democracy in Western Europe and elsewhere. Unlike the traditional postwar radical right, the contemporary populist right has developed an ideology that, albeit fundamentally anti‐liberal, is compatible with the basic formal principles of democracy. Radical right‐wing populist ideology is anti‐elitist, appealing instead to the common sense of ordinary people; exclusionary, appealing to the right to cultural diversity and identity; and openly discriminatory, appealing to the right to ‘national preference’. The larger goal behind the radical right‐wing populist political project is to halt and reverse the erosion of the established patterns of ethnic political an...

Abstract: How do people come to think of themselves as part of a nation? "Dramas of Nationhood" identifies a fantastic cultural form that binds together the Egyptian nation-television serials. These melodramatic programs-like soap operas but more closely tied to political and social issues than their Western counterparts-have been shown on television in Egypt for more than thirty years. In this book, Lila Abu-Lughod examines the shifting politics of these serials and the way their contents both reflect and seek to direct the changing course of Islam, gender relations, and everyday life in this Middle Eastern nation. Representing a decade's worth of research, "Dramas of Nationhood" makes a case for the importance of studying television to answer larger questions about culture, power, and modern self-fashionings. Abu-Lughod explores the elements of developmentalist ideology and the visions of national progress that once dominated Egyptian television-now experiencing a crisis. She discusses the broadcasts in rich detail, from the generic emotional qualities of TV serials and the depictions of authentic national culture, to the debates inflamed by their deliberate strategies for combating religious extremism.

Abstract: Neo-liberalism has reached a new stage in the United States, buttressed largely by the almost seamless alliances formed among the Bush administration, religious fundamentalists, neo-conservative extremists, the dominant media, and corporate elites. This article explores the various ways in which neo-liberal cultural politics works as a form of public pedagogy to devalue the meaning of the social contract, education, and citizenship by defining higher education primarily as a financial investment and learning as a form of training for the workforce. Aggressively fostering its attack on the welfare state, unions, non-commodified public spheres, and any critical vestige of critical education, neo-liberal politics makes it increasingly more difficult to address the necessity of a political education in which active and critical political agents have to be formed, educated, and socialized into the world of politics. This article explores how the intersection of cultural studies and public pedagogy offers a cha...

Abstract: an education that derives from democratic values, and an education that democratizes learning itself” (p. 220). Gould summarizes “in short, a university education is a democratic education because it mediates liberal democracy and the cultural contradictions of capitalism” (p. 225). The author is undeniably comprehensive in scope and intricate in examination throughout his analysis of complex modern problems affecting colleges and universities. Gould displays premier scholarship by diligently building and defending his contentions and arguments. The author advances contemporary dialogue regarding the myriad tensions and challenges within American higher education, specifically related to the impact corporate culture inflicts upon knowledge creation and application. Gould is well researched in modern and historical scholars’ work and applies it to his major assertions effectively. The reader’s complete attention and meticulous focus are required by Gould’s writing style. The audience is not addressed specifically, yet the volume would be relevant for a wide range of higher education professionals and students. Gould assumes the reader possesses a comprehensive familiarity with sophisticated higher education issues. Contrary to how effectively the book is introduced, it concludes somewhat abruptly. The author presents numerous research questions which demand further attention, yet there are no calls for targeted future research. A strong contribution to advanced scholarship on the modern tensions within higher education, The University in a Corporate Culture successfully blends cultural, political, and economic ideologies into an examination of complex university problems.

Abstract: It is argued in this paper that the development of accounting and accountability practices within the Society of Jesus from the 16th to the 17th centuries cannot be reduced to an economic explanation that views them merely as tools for measuring and allocating economic resources thereby explaining the formation of hierarchies. Rather, their development and refinement were tightly linked to the absolutist ideology of the Roman Catholic doctrine of the Counter-Reformation, conceived of here as a complex work of compromise among theological, religious, political, institutional, and social instances, of which the hierarchical structure of the Order and its accounting records were only the visible traces.

Abstract: This study of African-American consumers living in a large racially segregated midwestern city adds to extant theory on ideology in consumer behavior by considering the role of normative political ideology in provisioning. The specific roles of traditional black liberal and black nationalist political ideologies are discussed. We conclude that normative political ideology is central to understanding shopping as an expression of social and political relations between households confronting attenuated access to goods and services, ranging from housing to food, in a setting stratified by gender, race, and class. Beyond the specifics of this demographic group and setting, we suggest that contemporary consumption in the United States is a primary arena in which political ideology is expressed and constructed.

Abstract: Political theorists do not in general pay much attention to populism; are there any good reasons why they should do so? This paper will consider a number of positive answers to this question Most attention has so far been paid to issues of methodology—can we define ‘populism’? Recently there has also been some interest in the relation between populism and democracy, but there are two further topics that may be worth investigating, first the possibility of a distinctive political ideology that might be called ‘populist’, and second the meanings and significance of populism's core concept, the elusive ‘people’

Abstract: The focus of this paper is on the notion of 'addictive consumption', conceived as a set of discourses that are embedded within wider socio-historical processes of governance and control. It examines the discursive convergences and conflicts between practices of consumption and notions of addiction, which it notes are consistently represented in terms of the oppositional categories of self-control vs. compulsion and freedom vs. determinism. These interrelations are explored with reference to the development of notions of addiction, and their relation to shifting configurations of identity, subjectivity and governance. Finally, it suggests that the notion of 'addiction' has particular valence in advanced liberal societies, where an unprecedented emphasis on the values of freedom, autonomy and choice not only encourage the conditions for its proliferation into ever wider areas of social life, but also reveal deep tensions within the ideology of consumerism itself.

Abstract: Although prior social science research has established the ability of gender ideologies to influence the domestic division of labor, it has neglected to disentangle their potentially unique influence on paternal involvement with children. Past research examining the influence of gender ideology on parenting behaviors does not acknowledge potential differences that may result from accounting for each parent's gender ideology. Using both waves of the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 1,088), I assess the effect of both mother's and father's gender ideology on two measures of paternal involvement. Whereas egalitarian fathers demonstrate greater involvement than traditional fathers, mother's gender ideology failed to predict paternal involvement. Egalitarian mothers do not appear to negotiate greater father involvement successfully.

Abstract: Poisies offers an alternative epistemology to understand, critique, engage with, and reconstruct international relations (IR). Generally, this Greek concept refers to “creativity” or “poetic inspiration.” We enlarge this definition by returning to poisies ' original, ancient meaning: that is, creativity that comes from an act of reverberation or putting “language in a state of emergence, in which life becomes manifest through its vivacity” (Bachelard 1964:xxiii). In seizing upon the specific reality of world politics as a trans-subjective mode of imagining, poisies pushes us to recognize that becoming and being have countless forms, various voices, and changing scripts. Consequently, we move beyond an instrumental, formalistic, fixed, and narrow scientific logic that imposes a historical parochialism (e.g., Hobbes's State of Nature) for an ahistorical universal (e.g., “it's a war of all against all across time and space”). We begin to see IR in a new light. Its “vivacity” is manifested through IR's political and ideological participation in world politics, accounting for the field's social relations and structural interests. This explains why conventional IR appeals to some the way it does while affecting so many others so negatively. International relation's singularity also becomes apparent: that is, it is but one of many versions and understandings of world politics. Specifically, IR comes to resemble a colonial household. Its singular, oppositional perspective (“I versus You”) stakes out an establishment of “civilization” in a space that is already crowded with local traditions of thinking, doing, and being but proclaimed, in willful arrogance, as a “state of nature” plagued by fearful “anarchy” and its murderous power politics. The House seeks to stave off such “disorder” by imposing “order.” But the House does so by appropriating the knowledge, resources, and labor of racialized, sexualized Others for its own benefit and pleasure while announcing itself the sole producer—the …

Abstract: Part 1: Theories: Making Sense of Race, Racism and Education 1. On the Theoretical Status of the Concept of Race 2. Race, Knowledge Construction, and Education in the USA: Lessons from History 3. Anti-Racism: From Policy to Praxis 4. Just What is Critical Race Theory and What's It Doing in a Nice Field like Education? Part 2: Identities: Race, Ethnicity, Class, Gender, Sexuality 5. Dysconcious Racism: Ideology, Identity, and the Miseducation of Teachers 7. Identity Traps or How Black Students Fail: The Interactions between Biographical, Sub-Cultural, and Learner Identities 7. Loose Canons: Exploding the Myth of the 'Black Macho' Lad 8. The Souls of White Folk: Critical Pedagogy, Whiteness Studies, and Globalization Discourse Part 3: Practices: Life in School 9. Good, Bad, and Normal Teachers: The Experiences of South Asian Children 10. How White Teachers Construct Race 11. Critical Multicultural Education and Students' Perspectives 12. Black Women in Education: A Collective Movement for Social Change Part 4: Methods: Doing Critical Research 13. Between Neo and Post: Critique and Transformation in Critical Educational Studies 14. The Silenced Dialogue: Power and Pedagogy in Educating Other People's Children 15. The Myth of Neutrality in Educational Research 16. The Power to Know One Thing is Never the Power to Know All Things: Methodological Notes on Two Studies of Black American Teachers

Abstract: With expansion of the European Union (EU), the transformation of industrial relations in Eastern Europe becomes increasingly important. Studies on labor relations in post-communist countries have flourished in recent years, yet these studies have not reached a consensus on what they seek to explain. Is labor in post-communist societies weak or (in some countries) strong? And strong or weak compared to what? To the extent labor is weak, what would explain this weakness? This study demonstrates that labor is indeed a weak social and political actor in post-communist societies, especially when compared to labor in Western Europe. The article examines a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain labor’s weakness, concluding that the institutional and ideological legacies of the communist period best explain this overall weakness. Because labor in post-communist societies more resembles American-style flexibility than the European “social model,” the ability to extend the European model to new EU ...

Abstract: In this study, the authors investigate how medical ideology and physician professional identity are socially constructed during morning report, a formal teaching conference considered to be a cornerstone of medical education. Analysis of transcripts from 20 meetings reveals physician identity is developed through ideological discourse that produces and reproduces systems of domination that privilege scientific medicine and marginalize humanistic approaches. Findings indicate how, in a socialization context uniquely focused on discourse, communication functions to construct a professional identity grounded in the principles of the biomedical model. Although medical residents deviate from traditional ideology by articulating the voice of the lifeworld, faculty physicians counter these moves by asserting the voice of medicine. The authors draw conclusions regarding identity formation and the socialization practices of medical education.

Abstract: The overall focus of this paper is on developing a framework to explain support for alternative politics of a populist type. It has often been argued that the increasing focus on scandals and corruption has done much to alienate voters from traditional politics and that this alienation has, in turn, been reflected in what might be termed a ‘soap‐operatisation’ of politics, with an attendant diminution of trust in political institutions. We contend that, while reducing political events to variants of soap‐operas (with the demystification and banalisation of politics to which this gives rise) has had profound effects on the public perception of the political and political institutions, the result may not be simply a lack of, or diminution of, trust in politicians and political institutions, but rather a parallel growth in cynicism. The paper argues that while cynicism is often assumed to be a component of the decline in trust in institutions the two are, in fact, different and can give rise to different man...

Abstract: Based on research conducted in Northern Ireland, this article examines two aspects of rural development practice. Firstly, it examines the emphasis given to social and civic development alongside economic development. Secondly, the idea that partnerships represent increased democracy and civic participation is explored. The theoretical framework is informed by the social capital debate, with particular reference to the work of Robert Putnam. It is argued that the social capital debate clarifies the importance of economic goals vis-a-vis social and civic goals. It is further argued that the social capital debate gives renewed impetus to a romantic naive view of rural communities, where civic harmony and inclusion triumphs and there is little room for power struggles, exclusionary tactics by privileged groups, or ideological conflicts. This research corroborates that the rural development process is mired by difficulties because of unrealistic expectations, inadequate specification of goals, and a lack of central government responsibility for the process. It is suggested that the problems posed by area-based development do not represent questions for local partnerships to address, but rather ones that must be taken up by national governments.

Abstract: The ideology of consumption and the imperative of consumer choice have washed across the globe. In today's developed economies there is an ever- increasing amount of buying, amidst an ever-increasing amount of purchase options, amidst an ever-increasing amount of stress, amidst an ever-decreasing amount of dis- cretionary time. This brief essay reviews research suggesting, for example, that hyperchoice confuses people and increases regret, that hyperchoice is initially attractive but ultimately unsatisfying, and that hyperchoice is psychologically drain- ing. Future research is then discussed, including how and why hyperchoice may have other toxic effects on people, including the degrading of moral emotions and behavior.

Abstract: Objective. This study examines the influence of beliefs about the cause of homo-sexuality on public policy attitudes concerning gay rights. Methods. Using data from the 1995 Oklahoma City Survey, we examine how beliefs about homosexuality as either a lifestyle choice or biological predisposition affect levels of support for gay rights. Results. Consistent with current debates over gay rights, our study reveals a strong positive association between biological attributions of homosexuality and support for gay rights. Opposition to gay rights is most pronounced among political conservatives, fundamentalist Protestants, persons with little or no favorable contact with gays, individuals who embrace negative stereotypes about gays, and persons with high scores on an index of homophobia. Conclusions. Etiological beliefs about homosexuality have a strong influence on public policy attitudes toward gay rights.

Abstract: In this paper, we address what many health professionals see as a common, increasingly uncontainable and personally stressful problem: the beliefs, behaviour and expectations of the articulate, health-aware and information-rich middle-classes. We describe some fictitious case scenarios, which reflect real-life problems that we have encountered in clinical situations as a general practitioner (Greenhalgh) and psychiatrist (Wessely). The scenarios were constructed using a technique called ‘critical fiction’, in which themes from real cases are systematically extracted and fictionalized into new stories 1 . They are deliberately somewhat stereotypical, and we acknowledge that the perceptions and choices of any individual will not be determined solely (or even predominantly) by the various socio-cultural phenomena explored in this chapter. Nevertheless, these cases serve to illustrate our analysis of the origins and nature of the ‘health for me’ phenomenon. Healthism is related to, but should not be equated with, consumerism, which is a broader term with a host of different meanings, depending on context (and, arguably, not appropriate to health care at all 2 ). Gabriel and Lang discuss the different faces of the consumer—as chooser, as communicator, as explorer, as identity-seeker, as hedonist or artist, as victim, as rebel, as activist and as citizen 3 . They discuss five broad meanings of the term ‘consumerism’: a vehicle for power and happiness; the ideology of conspicuous consumption; an economic ideology for global development; a political ideology; and a social movementg to protect the rights of consumers. This last meaning comes closest to the positive connotations of consumerism as applied in health care, for example, to patient-centred medicine, shared decisionmaking and partnerships 2,4,5 . But the more negative notion of ‘con

Abstract: This book provides an informed analysis of the ideological content of Kemalism - the name given to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's party's political thought and practice - and the persistently official and semi-official, hegemonic ideology of the Turkish Republic, formally founded in 1923. Through a textual and contextual analysis of Kemalism in Atarurk's speeches and the official documents of the ruling Republican People's Party, Taha Parla and Andrew Davison offer fresh interpretations of the political, economic, social, and cultural goals of the Kemalist version of Turkish nationalism. They also provide an astute analysis of the power and authority that Araturk and his collegues believed were necessary to achieve their implementation, and of the institutions created in that process. Kemalism as a democratizing and secularizing framework for modern governance is debated by illuminating Kemalism's emphatic and self-conscious, corporatist ideological core. The authors show how Kemalism's conceptions of society, national identity, the relationship between the state and Islam, and other fundamental political dynamics require a rethinking of its democratic, secular, and modernist reputation, and its prospects for, and barriers to, a more democratic Turkey within the Kemalist legacy.

Abstract: Ongoing debates over the significance of specialized production in ancient political economies frequently hinge on questions of whether elites or commoners controlled craft manufactures and whether the material or ideological import of these production processes was more significant in deciding power contests. Though long recognized, such queries were traditionally answered in relatively straightforward economic terms. Recently, these time-honored approaches have been questioned. An ever increasing number of authors are promoting varied takes on the causal linkages between political forms and processes, on the one hand, and patterns of production, distribution, and use of craft goods, on the other. The literature generated by these discussions is extensive, vibrant, and often confusing. Rather than trying to synthesize all reports and essays dealing with specialized manufacture, this paper highlights general interpretive trends that underlie and structure current debates. The concluding section offers suggestions for how studies of relations among crafts, power, and social heterogeneity might be pursued profitably in the future.

Abstract: This study examined the coverage of China in the New York Times and Los Angeles Times between 1992 and 2001. Across time comparison were made both within and between the two newspapers in terms of total number of stories, media frames used and favourability differences. Findings show that coverage of China has increased significantly over time, but the overall tone remained negative. Stories presented in political frames and ideological frames were more likely to be unfavourable. No significant differences were found between the two newspapers.