Abstract: ▪ Abstract Scholars have become acutely interested in how behavior driven by ideas rather than self-interest determines policy-making outcomes. This review examines the literature on this subject. It differentiates among the types of ideas that may affect policy making (i.e., cognitive paradigms, world views, norms, frames, and policy programs) and identifies some of the persistent difficulties associated with studying how ideas shape policy. In particular, studies often do a poor job pinpointing the causal mechanisms that link ideas to policy-making outcomes. More attention needs to be paid to articulating the causal processes through which ideas exert effects. Suggestions for future scholarship that might improve this situation are offered. These include identifying the actors who seek to influence policy making with their ideas, ascertaining the institutional conditions under which these actors have more or less influence, and understanding how political discourse affects the degree to which policy ide...

Abstract: The paper argues for a new approach to the study of entrepreneurship and a new paradigm as a basis for entrepreneurship education. It also argues that such an approach is unlikely to come from university business schools. It needs an organisational revolution which, however, can be managed within a university as a whole. The paper is divided into two parts. The first explores the political imperative in Europe for development of the ‘enterprise culture’ and attributes this mainly to pressures for greater international competitiveness. The educational response is then examined and, with the help of a number of recent surveys, some of the key issues pertaining to the development of entrepreneurship education in higher education institutions in the UK and Europe are reviewed. The second part attempts to address the imperative at a more conceptual level. The pursuit of entrepreneurial behaviour is seen as a function of the degree of uncertainty and complexity in the task and broader environment and/or the desire of an individual, in pursuit of an opportunity or problem solution, to create it. It is argued that the key trigger for the growing interest in entrepreneurship is globalization. The way in which this has impacted on the role of the state, the organization of business activity and public services and on individuals to create greater uncertainty and complexity in the environment is explored. This leads to a conclusion that a wide range of stakeholders are being confronted with the need for entrepreneurial behaviour, for example, priests, doctors, teachers, policemen, pensioners and community workers and, indeed, potentially everyone in the community. Entrepreneurship is therefore not solely the prerogative of business. It follows that the traditional focus of entrepreneurship education on business, and new venture management in particular, provides an inadequate basis for response to societal needs. Moreover, the pervasive ideology of the ‘heroic’ entrepreneur can be seen as a dysfunctional when viewed against the needs of a wider community. The wider notion of ‘enterprise’ is therefore introduced as a means of moving away from the hitherto narrow paradigm. How this relates to the development of the individual and the design of enterprising organizations is explored. The paper explores the challenge of this broader context by reference to a number of issues central to the globalization debate including: culture, market liberalization, forms of governance and democracy. It then links these with the ontological and epistemological challenge to education. It concludes with discussion as to how this relates to the traditional concept of a university and argues that universities as a whole are in a much better position to respond to the challenge than are business schools.

Abstract: Are Americans less prejudiced now than they were in the 1970s, or has racism simply gone "underground"? Is racism something that is learned as children, or is it a result of certain social groups striving to maintain their privileged positions in society? In this text, political scientists, sociologists and psychologists explore the late-1990s debate surrounding the sources of racism in America. The essays represent three major approaches to the topic. The social psychological approach maintains that prejudice socialized early in life feeds racial stereotypes, while the social structural viewpoint argues that behaviour is shaped by whites' fear of losing their privileged status. The third perspective looks to non-racially inspired ideology, including attitudes about the size and role of government, as the reason for opposition to policies such as affirmative action. This collection provides a state-of-the-field assessment of the issues and findings on the role of racism in mass politics and public opinion.

Abstract: In this work, Michael C. Dawson brings us the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationship of black political thought to black political identity and behaviour. Combining an historical perspective with conceptual sophistication and empirical evidence, Dawson identifies which political ideologies are supported by blacks, then traces their historical roots and examines their effects on black public opinion, not only among intellectuals and activists, but also at the grassroots level. Although many (mostly white) commentators have argued that black political thought falls within the realms of American liberalism, many black commentators regard black political thought as a rejection of American liberalism. Here, Dawson argues that black visions are more varied and complex. Black ideologies, such as radical egalitarianism, disillusioned liberalism, and black conservatism do criticize American liberalism while still accepting its basic tenets. But other ideologies - black nationalism, black feminism, and black Marxism - all challenge one or more of the premises of American liberalism. Ultimately, Dawson provocatively argues that the rise of a black counterpublic in the 19th century has made the development of distinctive currents of black political thought possible. Based on the most extensive study of black public opinion to date, Dawson shows how each ideology still affects blacks' views on issues like their position in American society, the nature of whites, and separatism. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.

Abstract: Globalization and the coming of postnational and transnational society are often presented as matters of necessity. Globalization appears as an inexorable force—perhaps of progress, perhaps simply of a capitalist juggernaut, but in any case irresistible. European integration, for example, is often sold to voters as a necessary response to the global integration of capital. In Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere, a similar economistic imaginary is deployed to suggest that globalization moves of itself, and governments and citizens have only the option of adapting. Even where the globalist imaginary is not overwhelmingly economistic, it commonly shares in the image of a progressive and imperative modernization. Many accounts of the impact and implications of information technology exemplify this. Alternatives to globalization, on the other hand, are generally presented in terms of inherited identities and solidarities in need of defense. Usually this means nations and cultural identities imagined on the model of nations; sometimes it means religions, civilizations, or other structures of identity presented by their advocates as received rather than created. The social imaginary of inherited cultural tradition and social identity is prominent in ideologies like Hindutva and

Abstract: Racism: A Short History By George M Fredrickson (Princeton: Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002) Pp ix, 216 Acknowledgments, introduction, epilogue, appendix, notes, index $2295) Historian George M Fredrickson, an eminent authority on race and ethnicity, has produced a highly readable, sharply analytical, and consistently provocative overview of the course of Western racism from the Middle Ages to the present He focuses on the evolution of the two most virulent forms of racism, anti-Semitism and color-coded white supremacy, that came to fullest fruition in the "overtly racist regimes" that emerged in the American South, Nazi Germany, and South Africa Fredrickson compares and contrasts these regimes and probes the connections between them with consummate skill He also maintains that racism, always nationally specific, invariably became involved in searches for national identity and cohesion and varied with the historical experience of each country Despite such variations, all three overtly racist regimes possessed common features, including the implementation of an official racist ideology that severely proscribed the rights, privileges, and opportunities of blacks and/ or Jews This volume traces the origins of Western racism to medieval Europe, during an era of intense religiosity in which the increasing hostility of Christians toward Jews transformed the anti-Judaism endemic to Christianity into an anti-Semitism that made getting rid of Jews preferable to converting them Anti-Semitism, in turn, became racism when Jews came to be considered innately malevolent beings in league with the devil rather than merely guilty of harboring false beliefs Of particular importance in this development was Spain, where attitudes and practices toward Muslims and Jews "served as a kind of segue between the religious intolerance of the Middle Ages and the naturalistic racism of the modern era" (p 40) Although Fredrickson recognizes that Europeans had long associated the color black with evil, he nonetheless questions whether Europeans in general were strongly prejudiced against Africans prior to the beginning of the slave trade Initially, he points out, religion rather than race justified the European enslavement of Africans: "The only way to save African souls was to enslave them" (p 38) The dark skins of West Africans soon became a part of the equation, and the so-called Curse of Ham or Canaan was invoked to demonstrate that African slavery was divinely inspired However, anti-black racism took root slowly because it ran counter to the Christian belief that the entire human race was of "one blood" and worthy of salvation Only when emancipated from Christian universalism did colorcoded racism become an ideology The volume explores the route by which this emancipation took place, beginning in the eighteenth century with the invention of the concept of races as basic human types classified by skin color and other physical characteristics The scientific racism that ultimately emerged was used to determine those groups, notably Jews and blacks, who were unfit to possess the rights of full citizenship "Scientific" pronouncements regarding the innate inferiority of blacks lent legitimacy to popular views long held in the United States, especially in the South …

Abstract: Our aim in this article is to explore how one might approach the language of new capitalism working in a transdisciplinary way, bringing together new sociology of capitalism (Chiapello) and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough). We focus upon 'new management ideology', and in particular on a recent book by a highly influential management 'guru' (Rosabeth Moss Kanter). The article begins with a discussion of new management ideology based particularly upon the work of Boltanski and Chiapello, followed by an outline of the version of critical discourse analysis we draw upon, and an analysis of a number of extracts from the book. In the conclusion we consider the implications of the analysis for transdisciplinary research

Abstract: This paper is about the nature of contemporary professional identity. It looks at the ways in which ‘discursive dynamics’ come to re-write the professional teacher and nurse as split, plural and conflictual selves, as they seek to come to terms with a political impetus written through what the authors term an ‘economy of performance’ in uncertain conflict with various ‘ecologies of practice’. The teacher and nurse are thus located in a complicated nexus between policy, ideology and practice. Epistemologically, the paper offers a deconstruction of professional identities, and criticizes the reductive typologies and characterizations of current professionalism. Politically, it reaches towards a more nuanced account of professional identities, stressing the local, situated and indeterminable nature of professional practice, and the inescapable dimensions of trust, diversity and creativity.

Abstract: In feminist sociocultural models of rape, extreme adherence to the masculine gender role is implicated in the perpetuation of sexual assault against women in that it encourages men to be dominant and aggressive, and it teaches that women are inferior to men and are sometimes worthy of victimization. Many researchers have linked components of masculine ideology to self-reports of past sexual aggression or future likelihood to rape. Thirty-nine effect sizes were examined in this meta-analysis across 11 different measures of masculine ideology to determine how strongly each index of masculine ideology was associated with sexual aggression. Although 10 of the 11 effect sizes were statistically significant, the 2 largest effects were for Malamuth's construct of “hostile masculinity” (e.g., Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991) and Mosher's construct of “hypermasculinity” (e.g., Mosher & Sirkin, 1984), both of which measure multiple components of masculine ideology including acceptance of aggression against women and negative, hostile beliefs about women. The next strongest relationships concerned measures of agreement that men are dominant over women and measures of hostility toward women. Scores on general measures of gender-role adherence, such as the Bem Sex Role Inventory (Bem, 1974), were not strong predictors of sexual aggression. Sociocultural models that link patriarchal masculine id eology and situational factors to sexual aggression should prove most predictive in future research.

Abstract: Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. By Kate Crehan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. Pp. x, 220. $49.95 cloth, $18.95 paper. Since the middle 1980s the notion of culture has come under attack in the field of anthropology. Critics of culture argue that it has become as "essentializing" as the genetic explanations for human variation that it replaced in the late nineteenth century. From their perspective, culture has come to be seen as an immutable trait of human beings, while some cultures are deemed to be superior to others. These critics advocate for a new problematic, which focuses on the ways in which ideologies of difference simultaneously create and conceal inequality. As a result, the concept of "power" has challenged "culture" as the unifying concept of anthropology.1 Not surprisingly, theories of power quickly came to center stage within the discipline, and a generation of anthropologists scrambled to read and understand the works of theorists like Althusser, Bourdieu, Debord, Foucault, and Gramsci. These scholars discovered what others before them already knew: the works of these theorists were for the most part dauntingly obtuse. Knowing (or at least appearing to know) these theories became valuable symbolic capital not only within anthropology but more generally throughout the social sciences and humanities-and the multidisciplinary field of African studies is certainly no exception. Of all these difficult theorists, none perhaps is more difficult than Antonio Gramsci. The central difficulty with Gramsci is that his writings are highly fragmented. Most of his early writings are political essays addressing issues like trade unionism, education, and relationships between urban workers and rural peasants. For the most part, these works do not attempt to develop larger theoretical arguments. Gramsci's later writings, which do attempt this, were produced during his imprisonment by the fascist government of Benito Mussolini. They are largely working notes from Gramsci to himself, rendered obscure by his use of code to mystify those who might interfere with his work. Unfortunately, Gramsci died before developing these notes into a comprehensive theory of culture and power. Kate Crehan's Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology grapples with the difficulties of Gramsci's corpus and seeks to highlight their relevance to cultural anthropology. This book is an excellent introduction to Gramsci's ideas and their relevance to the study of power within the social sciences and humanities. The early chapters give the reader useful background on Gramsci's life and work, and accessible overviews of some of his ideas. Crehan's comparisons of anthropological ideas of culture to Gramsci's ideas of culture are also accessible and useful. In other places, however, Crehan's discussions are nearly as inaccessible as Gramsci's most opaque prison notes. In part, this is because she is highly critical of what she sees as facile interpretations of Gramsci's ideas. She is especially critical of Jean and John Comaroff, whom she sees as the main purveyors of "Hegemony Lite." By seeking a "tightly specified theoretical argument," Crehan argues, the Comaroff s and others have destroyed the essentially protean nature of the most celebrated of Gramscian concepts: hegemony. This crime is committed, according to Crehan, by reducing hegemony to ideologies that obscure power relationships by presenting them as a sort of natural order. …

Abstract: Although populist1 movements are usually sparked off by specific social and economic problems, their common feature is a political appeal to the people, and a claim to legitimacy that rests on the democratic ideology of popular sovereignty and majority rule. Analyses of populism often point to the tension within western democracy between this populist tradition and liberal constitutionalism. Certainly, there are difficulties in reconciling the project of giving power to the people with the drive to restrain power within constitutional limits, but concentration on this particular problem leaves unexplained the enduring strength of populist-democratic ideology and the ways in which it sustains populist movements. In this chapter I will argue that in order to understand populism we need to be aware of a complex and elusive paradox that lies at the heart of modern democracy. Crudely stated, the paradox is that democratic politics does not and cannot make sense to most of the people it aims to empower. The most inclusive and accessible form of politics ever achieved is also the most opaque. Precisely because it is the most inclusive form of politics, democracy needs the transparency that ideology can supply, and yet the ideology that should communicate politics to the people cannot avoid being systematically misleading.

Abstract: Archaeology in Israel is truly a national obsession, a practice through which national identity and national rights have long been asserted. But how and why did archaeology emerge as such a pervasive force there? How can the practices of archaeology help answer those questions? In this stirring book, Nadia Abu El-Haj addresses these questions and specifies for the first time the relationship between national ideology, colonial settlement, and the production of historical knowledge. She analyzes particular instances of history, artifacts, and landscapes in the making to show how archaeology helped not only to legitimize cultural and political visions but, far more powerfully, to reshape them. Moreover, she places Israeli archaeology in the context of the broader discipline to determine what unites the field across its disparate local traditions and locations. Boldly uncovering an Israel in which science and politics are mutually constituted, this book shows the ongoing role that archaeology plays in defining the past, present, and future of Palestine and Israel."

Abstract: Our aim in this article is to explore how one might approach the language of new capitalism working in a transdisciplinary way, bringing together new sociology of capitalism (Chiapello) and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough). We focus upon 'new management ideology', and in particular on a recent book by a highly influential management 'guru' (Rosabeth Moss Kanter). The article begins with a discussion of new management ideology based particularly upon the work of Boltanski and Chiapello, followed by an outline of the version of critical discourse analysis we draw upon, and an analysis of a number of extracts from the book. In the conclusion we consider the implications of the analysis for transdisciplinary research

Abstract: Outline: In this book, the author has provided a masterly account of this transition and what it signified for the meaning of Christian theology itself. In the decades preceding the outbreak of the Civil War, American theologians mastered the conceptual languages of republican political thought and commonsense moral reasoning. Because religious thinkers learned to speak these languages so well, Christian theology came to play an extraordinarily important role in American public life. Theology contributed profoundly to the new nation's self-definition and in turn, American ideologies exerted a profound impact on religion. Public thought and religious thought moved together, with a stress on individual freedom, a new confidence in intuitive reasoning capacity, and attention to the market realities of the opening American economy. By setting the era's leading religious figures in their broader political, intellectual, and social contexts, the author is able to offer fresh interpretations of the era's most significant clerical theologians like Jonathan Edwards, Nathaniel W. Taylor, William Ellery Channing, and Charles Hodge, as well as important lay religious thinkers like Thomas Jefferson, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Catherine Beecher, and Abraham Lincoln. The author's integrated narrative explains how religious revival in the 1740s, colonial war with France, the struggle for national independence, the tremendous growth of evangelical denominations in the early republic, and rising conflict between North and South all affected the outlook of such intellectual readers. While the nation's religious thinkers contributed powerfully to the construction of national culture by asserting a commonsense republicanism informed by Christian faith, this influence also had unintended consequences. In particular, the theologians' deep sense of religious purpose set the stage for the Civil War, as Christians both North and South avowed with great assurance that the Bible could be interpreted only to support their own side in the conflict. The triumph of Christian reasoning in early America was thus also its tragedy. The author has provided a definitive history of Christian theology from the time of Edwards through the presidency of Lincoln. It is not only a story of flexible and creative theological energy that helped forge a national ideology, but it is also a story of how that ideology worked its influence on American theology, as it continues to do even today.

Abstract: Cet article developpe une perspective historique des determinants du capital social aux Etats-Unis, en s'appuyant sur les travaux de Robert Putnam et de Michael Woolcock. En particulier, il reintroduit l'Etat, le pouvoir, la politique et l'ideologie dans la formation historique du capital social

Abstract: Do societies choose inefficient policies and institutions, in contrast to what would be suggested by a reasoning extending the Coase Theorem to politics? Do societies choose inefficient policies and institutions because of differences in the beliefs and ideologies of their peoples or leaders? Or are inefficiencies in politics and economics the outcome of social and distributional conflicts? This paper discusses these various approaches to political economy, and develops the argument that there are strong empirical and theoretical grounds for believing that inefficient policies and institutions are prevalent, and that they are chosen because they serve the interests of politicians or social groups holding political power, at the expense of the society at large. At the center of the theoretical case are the commitment problems inherent in politics: parties holding political power cannot make commitments to bind their future actions because there is no outside agency with the coercive capacity to enforce such arrangements.

Abstract: Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is an explicitly normative analysis of how texts and discourses work in ideological interests with powerful political consequences. This chapter provides an historical overview of CDA, placing it in the long lineage of attempts to develop a normative political linguistics beginning with Voloshinov. Recent approaches and procedures are discussed. These attempt to bring together text analysis with contemporary social, political, and cultural theory. The case is made that new conditions of economic and cultural globalization have created theoretical and empirical challenges for CDA and, more generally, for a critical applied linguistics. It is argued that these will require that CDA augment its strong focus on ideology critique with the study of texts that model the productive uses of power and discourse in new conditions.

Abstract: The discipline of social and cultural anthropology emerged from the ferment of West European world domination as instrument and expression of the colonial project. Although it subsequently turned against the practices and ideology of colonialism, it remains strongly marked by that historical entailment. Among the many effects of colonialism on anthropology, one in particular stands out: the fact that much of the discipline’s theoretical capital is palpably derived from ethnographic research done in the colonial dominions.

Abstract: List of Figures and Table A Note on Conventions Terms and Acronyms Introduction: Mobilization, Populism, and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity 1. Tsarist and Early Soviet Society's Weak Sense of National Identity Part One: 1931-1941 2. Mobilizing Stalinist Society in the Early to Mid-1930s 3. The Emergence of Russocentric Etatism 4. Ideology in the Prewar Classroom 5. Popularizing State Ideology through Mass Culture 6. The Popular Reception of National Bolshevism on the Eve of War Part Two: 1941-1945 7. Wartime Stalinist Ideology and Its Discontents 8. Ideological Education on the Home Front 9. Wartime Mass Culture and Propaganda 10. Popular Engagement with the Official Line during the War Part Three: 1945-1953 11. Soviet Ideology during the Zhdanovshchina and High Stalinism 12. Public and Party Education during the Early Postwar Period 13. Postwar Soviet Mass Culture 14. The Popular Reception of Ideology during Stalin's Last Decade Conclusion: National Bolshevism and a Modern Russian National Identity Appendix: Civic History Textbook Development, 1934-1955 Notes Index

Abstract: The African National Congress (ANC) has long stood for a development policy committed to improving living conditions for black people in South Africa. Assuming power in 1994, the ANC adopted a leftist, basic-needs-oriented Reconstruction and Development Programme as the popular foundation for its economic policy. Within two years, the ANC had switched to a rightist, neoliberal Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy stressing privatization, deregulation, and trade liberalization. This article critically examines the displacement of economic policy from socialism to neoliberalism. My thesis is that ANC policy was disciplined by a neoliberal economic discourse formulated by an academic-institutional-media complex with linked centers of persuasion inside and outside the country. The article combines ideas about hegemony from Gramsci with notions of discourse derived from Foucault in constructing a geographic theory of globally hegemonic discursive formations colonizing alternative, counterhegemonic discourses.

Abstract: This paper discusses the representation of “green consumerism” in the prevalent institutionalised discourses of green consumerism, and in the self‐narratives of people who identify themselves as ecologically oriented citizens, focusing on the construction of the self and the other in these texts The aim is to investigate the ways in which “radical” ecologically oriented citizens, who are largely “marginalised” and positioned as the other in the dominant discourses of green consumerism, engage in resistance towards western, materialistic consumption culture Drawing from the Foucauldian ideas of political struggle as the “politics of the self”, and personal ethics and moral agency as a mode of self‐formation, this paper analyses the ways in which these “green consumers” reject their received subjectivity as consumers The focus is on the practices of self, and on the ways in which they invent and promote new forms of subjectivity that are more in line with their environmentalist ideology

Abstract: Taking as its focus a highly emotive area of study, The Dying Process draws on the experiences of daycare and hospice patients to provide a forceful new analysis of the period of decline prior to death. Placing the bodily realities of dying very firmly centre stage and questioning the ideology central to the modern hospice movement of enabling patients to 'live until they die', Julia Lawton shows how our concept of a 'good death' is open to interpretation. Her study examines the non-negotiable effects of a patient's bodily deterioration on their sense of self and, in so doing, offers a powerful new perspective in embodiment and emotion in death and dying. A detailed and subtle ethnographic study, The Dying Process engages with a range of deeply complex and ethically contentious issues surrounding the care of dying patients in hospices and elsewhere.

Abstract: ONE OF THE IRONIES OF THE EARLY twenty-first century is that ideological struggles between and within nations have intensified a decade after the end of the Cold War. Today, proponents of diametrically opposed visions of society, secular and religious, march under the banner of social justice. As desirable social and political goals are depicted in starkly different forms, labels like “good” and “evil” become interchangeable and the meaning of social justice becomes obscured. As it has been for millennia, the concept of social justice is now used as a rationale for maintaining the status quo, promoting far-reaching social reforms, and justifying revolutionary action. If liberals and conservatives, religious fundamentalists, and radical secularists all regard their causes as socially just, how can we develop a common meaning of the term?

Abstract: Figures and Tables ix Preface xi PART I: Cultural Theory and Recent American Politics Chapter One Anomalies of Post-New Deal Politics 3 Chapter Two The Political Mobilization of Cultural Differences 13 Chapter Three General Components of Cultural Theory in Political Conflict 39 Chapter Four Election Rituals, Ideological Movements, and Group Politics 56 Chapter Five Psychological Mechanisms and Campaign Strategies 83 PART II: Case Studies of the Political Mobilization of Cultural Differences Chapter Six Cultural Strains in the New Deal Coalition 101 Chapter Seven A Methodology for Assessing Cultural Politics 130 Chapter Eight Keeping America Purposeful, Powerful, and Pure 158 Chapter Nine Race and the Transformation of the Contemporary Party System 179 Chapter Ten Gender, Religion, and the Second Party Transformation 203 Chapter Eleven Cultural Politics: Some Conclusions and Practical Implications 252 References 271 Index 283

Abstract: Intolerable large-scale crimes seem to render the justification of international criminal justice self-evident. It just feels right. But why? This article exposes international criminal justice to the 'why' question by applying the most frequently evoked models of the working mechanisms of rational, utilitarian, enlightened criminal justice. It demonstrates that the basic pre-conditions for their effective working according to the prevailing theories do not exist or get fulfilled. Regardless of the common outspoken statements referring to utilitarianism, the real answers to the 'why' question seem to echo the retributivist tone of justification. Everybody knows that prevention does not work, even if we hope it might one day. Everybody knows, but the knowledge has no consequences. Prevention is cited simply because of the void of alternatives, the rational ones. What would be left if the international criminal justice system were to be stripped of its utility and rationality? International criminal justice comes close to a religious exercise of hope and perhaps of deception. The ideology of a disciplined, mathematical structure of responsibility serves as a relieving strategy to measure the immeasurable. The seemingly unambiguous notion of guilt creates consoling patterns of causality in the chaos of intertwined problems of social, political and economic deprivation surrounding the violence. The article concludes with a question: Could the rational and utilitarian purpose lie elsewhere than in the prevention or suppression of criminality?

Abstract: The nature of violent conflict in the world has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression. One of the most dramatic changes has been the trend away from traditional inter-state conflict (that is, a war between sovereign states) and towards intra-state conflict (that is, one which takes place between factions within an existing state). Whereas most violent conflicts over the course of the twentieth century have been between states, in the 1990s almost all major conflicts around the world have taken place within states. Between 1989 and 1996, for example, 95 of the 101 armed conflicts identified around the world were such internal disputes. Most of these conflicts were propelled, at least in part, by quests for self-determination or adequate recognition of communal identity rather than by ideology or the conquest of territory. This represents a major shift in the manifestation of human conflict, especially compared to the world wars and major inter-state conflicts fought over the course of this century.

Abstract: Acknowledgements RESEARCH PROBLEMS The Personal and the Political THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES Self-Interest and Social Justice The Institutional Interface Political Trust and Ideology FINDINGS The Data and the Case The Welfare State and the Economy Self-Interest Distributive Justice Voice The Customer, the User, and the Client IMPLICATIONS The Personal and the Political Revisited References