Abstract: Conventional wisdom has it that the sciences, properly pursued, constitute a pure, value-free method of obtaining knowledge about the natural world. In light of the social and normative dimensions of many scientific debates, Helen Longino finds that general accounts of scientific methodology cannot support this common belief. Focusing on the notion of evidence, the author argues that a methodology powerful enough to account for theories of any scope and depth is incapable of ruling out the influence of social and cultural values in the very structuring of knowledge. The objectivity of scientific inquiry can nevertheless be maintained, she proposes, by understanding scientific inquiry as a social rather than an individual process. Seeking to open a dialogue between methodologists and social critics of the sciences, Longino develops this concept of "contextual empiricism" in an analysis of research programs that have drawn criticism from feminists. Examining theories of human evolution and of prenatal hormonal determination of "gender-role" behavior, of sex differences in cognition, and of sexual orientation, the author shows how assumptions laden with social values affect the description, presentation, and interpretation of data. In particular, Longino argues that research on the hormonal basis of "sex-differentiated behavior" involves assumptions not only about gender relations but also about human action and agency. She concludes with a discussion of the relation between science, values, and ideology, based on the work of Habermas, Foucault, Keller, and Haraway.

Abstract: This critique of current development policies and ideology provides alternative approaches for building a sustainable and just society for the new millennium.

Abstract: Over the past five centuries, advances in Western understanding of and control over the material world have strongly influenced European responses to non-Western peoples and cultures. In Machines as the Measure of Men, Michael Adas explores the ways in which European perceptions of their scientific and technological superiority shaped their interactions with people overseas. Adopting a broad, comparative perspective, he analyzes European responses to the cultures of sub-Saharan Africa, India, and China, cultures that they judged to represent lower levels of material mastery and social organization. Beginning with the early decades of overseas expansion in the sixteenth century, Adas traces the impact of scientific and technological advances on European attitudes toward Asians and Africans and on their policies for dealing with colonized societies. He concentrates on British and French thinking in the nineteenth century, when, he maintains, scientific and technological measures of human worth played a critical role in shaping arguments for the notion of racial supremacy and the "civilizing mission" ideology which were used to justify Europe's domination of the globe. Finally, he examines the reasons why many Europeans grew dissatisfied with and even rejected this gauge of human worth after World War I, and explains why it has remained important to Americans. Showing how the scientific and industrial revolutions contributed to the development of European imperialist ideologies, Machines as the Measure of Men highlights the cultural factors that have nurtured disdain for non-Western accomplishments and value systems. It also indicates how these attitudes, in shaping policies that restricted the diffusion of scientific knowledge, have perpetuated themselves, and contributed significantly to chronic underdevelopment throughout the developing world. Adas's far-reaching and provocative book will be compelling reading for all who are concerned about the history of Western imperialism and its legacies.

Abstract: Acknowledgements Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the Third Edition Introduction Part 1: Thinking About Ecologism: sustainable societies reasons to care for the environment crisis and its political-strategic consequences universality and social change lessons from nature left and right: communism and capitalism historical specificity conclusion Part 2: Philosophical Foundations: Ethics: a code of conduct Ethics: a state of being anthropocentrism Part 3: The Sustainable Society: limits to growth possible positions more problems with growth questioning consumption questioning consumption: need questioning consumption: population questioning consumption: technology energy trade and travel work bioregionalism agriculture diversity decentralization and its limits Part 4: Strategies for Green Change: democracy and authoritarianism action through and around the legislature lifestyle communities direct action class conclusion Part 5: Ecologism and Other Ideologies: liberalism conservatism socialism eco-feminism conclusion. Conclusion Bibliography Index

Abstract: Is a comprehensive introduction to the British tradition of cultural studies. Turner offers an accessible overview of the central themes that have informed British cultural studies: language, semiotics, Marxism and ideology, individualism, subjectivity and discourse. Beginning with a history of cultural studies, Turner discusses the work of such pioneers as Raymond Williams, Richard Hoggart, E. P.Thompson, Stuart Hall and the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. He then explores the central theorists and categories of British cultural studies: texts and contexts; audience; everyday life; ideology; politics, gender and race. The third edition of this successful text has been fully revised and updated to include: * How to apply the principles of cultural studies and how to read a text * An overview of recent ethnographic studies * Discussion of anthropological theories of consumption * Questions of identity and new ethnicities * How to do cultural studies, and an evaluation of recent research methodologies * A fully updated and comprehensive bibliography.

Abstract: "This collection fills a very long felt need, a fact which is reinforced by the generally very high quality of the contributions and the fast-growing reputation in international feminist circles of many of the authors."--Arjun Appadurai, University of Pennsylvania The political and social life of India in the last decade has given rise to a variety of questions concerning the nature and resilience of patriarchal systems in a transitional and post-colonial society. The contributors to this interdisciplinary volume recognize that every aspect of reality is gendered, and that such a recognition involves a dismantling of the ideological presuppositions of the so-called gender neutral ideologies, as well as the boundaries of individual disciplines. The first set of essays seeks to analyze the patriarchal discourses of a colonial society and includes an analysis of the shaping of Hindu-Aryan identity, the parameters of the discourse on widow-immolation, the "defeminization" of popular culture in nineteenth-century urban Calcutta, the nature of the reforms proposed by early women's journals in Hindi, and the implications of the nationalist movement and of Indo-Anglian leterature on middle-class patriarchal norms. The second set of articles relates to women of the productive classes--the reconstitution of patriarchies in the agrarian transition in Haryana, in the Oudh peasant movement, in the armed peasant struggle in Telangana, and among the working class in Bengal. The contributors explore the interrelation of patriarchies with political economy, law, religion, and culture, and suggest a different history of "reform" movements, and of class and gender relations. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid are teachers of literature at Indraprastha College for Women, Delhi University. Together they have edited a collection of essays, Women and Culture. Kumkum Sangari is associate editor of the Journal of Arts and Ideas. Sudesh Vaid is the author of The Divided Mind: Studies in Select Novels of Defoe and Richardson.

Abstract: Language and Problems of Knowledge is Noam Chomsky's most accessible statement on the nature, origins, and current concerns of the field of linguistics. He frames the lectures with four fundamental questions: What do we know when we are able to speak and understand a language? How is this knowledge acquired? How do we use this knowledge? What are the physical mechanisms involved in the representation, acquisition, and use of this knowledge?Starting from basic concepts, Chomsky sketches the present state of our answers to these questions and offers prospects for future research. Much of the discussion revolves around our understanding of basic human nature (that we are unique in being able to produce a rich, highly articulated, and complex language on the basis of quite rudimentary data), and it is here that Chomsky's ideas on language relate to his ideas on politics.The initial versions of these lectures were given at the Universidad Centroamericana in Managua, Nicaragua, in March 1986. A parallel set of lectures on contemporary political issues given at the same time has been published by South End Press under the title On Power and Ideology: The Managua Lectures.Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor of Linguistics and Philosophy at MIT. Language and Problems of Knowledge is sixteenth in the series Current Studies in Linguistics, edited by Jay Keyser.

Abstract: Two seemingly disparate areas ofEnglish language structure-the grammar ofreported speech and of textual cohesion-are functionally related in that both entail a distinction between "wording" and "meaning." This is consistent with the Western ideological disjunction between language and reality, talk and action. Neither these language structures nor this linguistic ideology are found among the Ngarinyin people of northwestern Australia, suggesting a Whorfian hypothesis about their possible interrelationship.

Abstract: Part 1 Crises in development theory and in the world: crisis of theory and theories of crisis three worlds of crises the state - problem or solution? Part 2 Eurocentrism and development thinking: development ideologies in Western history the rise and decline of development economics the modernization paradigm. Part 3 The voice of the Third World: academic imperialism and intellectual dependence the rise of dependencia the indigenization of development thinking - Latin America in search of otherness, the sociology of civilizations - India and China, the battle for decolonization in Africa. Part 4 The globalization of development theory: from dependance to interdependance analyzing world development development stategies and the world system. Part 5 Dimensions of another development: the sociology and politics of anotherness egalitarian development self-reliant development ecodevelopment ethnodevelopment. Part 6 Transcending the European model: development theory returns to Europe development options in Western Europe the rise of market ideology in the East - Soviet development thinking. Part 7 Reorientations in development theory: one field or many? transcending Eurocentrism and endogenism three worlds of development.

Abstract: PART ONE: BACKGROUND Issues and Strategies in Cross-Cultural Psychology Gender, Self-Concept, and Sex Role Ideology PART TWO: TACTICS Research Plan and Methods PART THREE: DISCOVERIES Sex Role Ideology Affective Meanings of Self-Concepts Masculinity/Femininity of Self-Concepts Diversity in Masculinity/Femininity of Self-Concepts PART FOUR: OUTCOMES Summary Of Findings Cross-Cultural Similarities and Differences Retrospect and Prospect A Broader View

Abstract: In this acclaimed historical study, Alexander Saxton establishes the centrality of white racism to American politics and culture. Examining images of race at a popular level - from blackface minstrelsy to the construction of the Western hero, from grassroots political culture to dime novels - as well as the philosophical constructions of the political elite, it is a powerful and comprehensive account of the ideological forces at work in the formation of modern America.

Abstract: Feminist theory suggests that husbands who adhere to an ideology of familial patriarchy are more likely to beat their wives than husbands who do not adhere to such an ideology. This research provides quantitative data from a representative sample survey of women in the general population that support the feminist thesis. The results also indicate that husbands with relatively low incomes, low educational attainment, and low-status jobs were significantly more likely than higher status husbands to espouse such an ideology. Language: en

Abstract: This study examines the news paradigm as an occupational ideology whose major feature is the principle of objectivity, and the larger hegemonic function of that paradigm. An anomalous case is analyzed to illustrate paradigmatic repair: A. Kent MacDougall caused a controversy in the journalistic community and threatened the paradigmatic norm of objectivity when he revealed that he had been a radical socialist during his ten years as a reporter for The Wall Street Journal. Three types of repair are examined: (a) disengaging and distancing the threatening values from the reporter's work, (b) reasserting the ability of journalistic routines to prevent threatening values from “distorting” the news, and (c) marginalizing the man and his message, making both appear ineffective.

Abstract: Contents 1 Part I. 2 3 4 Part II. 5 6 7 8 9 Part III. 10 11 12 13 Part IV. 14 15

Abstract: Political awareness affects virtually every aspect of citizens' political attitudes and voting behavior. Among its effects are greater attitude stability, greater ideological consistency, and greater support for a nation's “mainstream” values. Yet there exists no comprehensive explanation of why political awareness has the pervasive effects that it has. Nor is there agreement on how the concept of political awareness should be conceptualized and measured. This article addresses both concerns. First, it draws on ideas from voting, belief-system, and other studies to develop a general theory of the effects of awareness. This account centers on how citizens use cues and other information from political elites to translate their general value orientations into support for particular polices. Second, the article argues that, on both theoretical and empirical grounds, political awareness is best measured by simple tests of factual information about politics.

Abstract: The dominant paradigm in political participation studies largely ignores the microcontexts within which citizens are embedded Drawing on generic processes of persuasion and selection, this study specifies six testable research hypotheses about individuals' attitudes and behaviors as consequences of theform and content of their ego-centric networks Using the network measuresfrom the 1987 General Social Survey, respondents'perceptions oftheir egocentric networks arefound to predict involvement in national elections The morefrequently people discuss political matters with their intimates, the greater their interest and participation in national campaigns and voting The partisan composition of the network strongly influences their participation, even after controlling for party identifications and selection effects of social attributes However, respondents' closeness to network others has few substantial effects, and most of the interaction terms are not significant For members of voluntary associations, having at least one other with whom theyfrequently discuss politics strongly boosts mobilization in internal organizational affairs and in the local community, again controllingfor social attnbutes Coiled around the heart of politics in liberal democratic societies is the participation of ordinary citizens in voting for government officials and engaging in efforts, to shape public policies Populist theories of democracy require that the citizenry interact continually with officials about their public policy concerns (Barber 1984; Pateman 1970; Riker 1982) Local participatory arenas grass-roots parties, voluntary associations, industrial workplaces constitute institutions for aggregating popular preferences They give citizens practical opportunities to acquire democratic norms, skills, and experiences These civic education functions of American civil society have been remarked upon by political commentators since Tocqueville (1945:115) Mass participation is seen as an indispensable ingredient for preserving democratic governance of society Most empirical assessments of citizen involvement in political institutions implicitly assume some multivariate theory of individual decision making Some of these explanations emphasize primarily the WMany thanks to James A Davis, Peter Marsden, and two anonymous refereesfor their helpful comments on an earlier version The data analyzed in this article comefrom the 1987 General Social Survey, James A Davis and Tom W Smith, principal investigators A module of new items was designed by a subcommittee of Lawrence Bobo, Thomas Guterbock, and myself, with assistancefrom DuaneAlwin I thank Tom Guterbockfor providing a copy of the data Direct correspondence to the author at the Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 55455 0) The University of North Carolina Press Social Forces, June 1990, 68(4):1041-1063 This content downloaded from 1575539220 on Fri, 02 Sep 2016 05:59:36 UTC All use subject to http://aboutjstororg/terms 1042 / Social Forces 68:4, June 1990 social forces impinging upon the citizen, while others highlight the role of social psychological perceptions and beliefs Yet very few theories consider how networks of interaction among citizens affect the observed pattems of voting and participation By neglecting these connections among people, incomplete accounts of conventional political behaviors result This article considers how a theory that explicitly includes network relationships could enrich our knowledge of citizen politics The incremental strategy of theory construction followed in this article begins with a search for fundamental principles of network formation and the effects of the form and content of network structures on individual behaviors; an explicit stipulation of research hypotheses about how these generic processes explain network political phenomena; a review of earlier efforts to include network concepts in political analysis; an exploration of some recently created social network data pertaining to electoral and voluntary organization political participation; and, finally, an evaluation of the utility of these basic theoretical principles for broader classes of social behavior This strategy of interweaving theoretical and empirical analyses may ultimately lead to sounder knowledge about individual social structural relations Theory construction begins with consideration of two generic processes fundamental to any comprehensive explanation of how individuals' social relationships shape their attitudes and activities: persuasion and selection Persuasion Processes In routine interactions with other individuals and institutions, people are continually bombarded by recurrent efforts that seek to change their beliefs and behaviors Persuasion occurs when one social actor intentionally transmits information to another that changes the latter's actions from what would have occurred in the absence of that information It is the influence dimension of social power that relies on the application of information, rather than the domination dimension that uses sanctions to control others (Ktioke 1990b, Chapter 1) Persuasion whether taking place in a classroom, used car lot, or medical clinic operates by providing information intended to alter an actor's perception of the connection between an action and its consequences It requires a structural relationship between two or more actors, because a communication channel must exist between influencer and influencee For persuasion efforts to be effective, the target of influence must believe the information to be credible and/or the source to be trustworthy Impersonal media may carry less weight than personal contacts with others to whom one has intense emotional and instrumental connections Hence, the networks of stable social relationships among social actors are critical to any theoretical explanation of how attitudes and actions are formed and changed Balance theories (Anderson 1979; Heider 1944), contagion (Burt 1987b), social comparison (Erickson 1988), and social evaluation theories (Gartrell 1987) each emphasize that individuals' perceptions of their significant others' preferences strongly influence how a person comes to view his or her world As sources of material, emotional, and normative rewards, the other actors in one's personal network provide the meaningful standards against which one can evaluate his or her own sensations and performances People constantly compare themselves to those with whom they have close ties and seek to emulate the attitudes and actions of these intimates The recurrent communications within these small, intimate networks construct the grand interpretive schemas that anchor people to larger social systems This content downloaded from 1575539220 on Fri, 02 Sep 2016 05:59:36 UTC All use subject to http://aboutjstororg/terms Networks of Political Action / 1043 The collectively shared thoughts and deeds of network members are powerfully compelled toward uniformity by universal desires to conform to group norms and to avoid social sanctions for deviant behavior The consequence of successful mutual persuasion is social cohesion or solidarity Persuasion processes span many social arenas, ranging from fashions in clothing, to professional performance standards, to religious ideologies In principle, the acquisition of political opinions and actions should be no different The persuasive political effects of a social network can be stated as hypotheses that use a standard terminology An "ego-centric network" consists of a focal individual ("ego") and a set of others ('alters") to whom ego is directly connected by ties of varying intensity (eg, frequency of interaction; emotional depth) When the opinions and actions of an ego's alters are consistent (homogeneous), ego faces overwhelming social pressures to adopt the same preferences When the alters' orientations are divided, ego's preferences are most likely to be influenced by those with whom he or she is more closely tied than by the alters with whom ego has weaker links When the opposing preferences of alters are evenly balanced in intensity and strength of ties to ego, these conflicting social cues cannot be easily reconciled Ego is most likely to take a middling position, to vacillate, to delay a decision, or to remain uncommitted If indecision is psychologically painful, ego may seek other sources of information, and perhaps change his or her network by dropping some alters and picking up new ones Thus, variation in the intensity of affect and the political composition of an ego's network should be positively related to ego's conformity to the political orientations of his or her alters Stated as formal research hypotheses: (1) The more politically homogeneous an ego's alters, the more frequent the political interactions ego has with alters (2) The more politically homogeneous an ego's alters, the greater the similarity between ego's and alter's political attitudes and behaviors (3) The closer ego feels to alters and the more frequently ego discusses political matters with alters, the higher ego's political interest and the more frequent ego's participation in political activities The homogeneity effects are postulated to occur through mutual influence, that is, by ego and alter changing one another's views through discussion, argument, exemplification, and other persuasion processes However, ego-centric network homogeneity may also occur through the selection of partners who already hold compatible views, as described in the next section

Abstract: This article analyzes feminist organizations as a species of social movement organization. It identifies 10 dimensions for comparing feminist and nonfeminist organizations or for deriving types of feminist organizations and analyzing them. The dimensions are feminist ideology, feminist values, feminist goals, feminist outcomes (for members and society), founding circumstances, structure, practice, members and membership, scope and scale, and external relations (legal-corporate status, autonomy, funding, and network linkages). I argue that many scholars judge feminist organizations against an ideal type that is largely unattainable and that excessive attention has been paid to the issue of bureaucracy versus collectivism to the neglect of other organizational qualities. The varieties of ideology, form, and strategy that feminist organizations embody should be analyzed in relation to outcomes for women, the women's movement, and society. As has recently begun to occur, feminist scholars are encouraged to cl...

Abstract: This paper reviews existing approaches to, and research on, land and property development processes. It is argued that while these approaches-institutional analysis, neo-classical location theory and land economics, and Marxist economics-provide useful directions for understanding the development process, they lack the capability to address a fundamental dimension of our understanding of development processes. This is the relation between the way actors behave in deploying resources to realise specific investments, with which much of the real estate literature is concerned, and the broader processes which drive the strategies and interests of the various actors involved. The paper proposes an approach which combines an understanding of structure and agency, focusing on the resources, rules and ideology which actors acknowledge, as a way forward to a richer understanding of land and property development processes. The paper concludes with some key research questions which follow from this perspective.

Abstract: Valued for their sensual and social intensity, Greek dance-events are often also problematical for participants, giving rise to struggles over position, prestige, and reputation. Here Jane Cowan explores how the politics of gender is articulated through the body at these culturally central, yet until now ethnographically neglected, celebrations in a class-divided northern Greek town. Portraying the dance-event as both a highly structured and dynamic social arena, she approaches the human body not only as a sign to be deciphered but as a site of experience and an agent of practice.In describing the multiple ideologies of person, gender, and community that townspeople embody and explore as they dance, Cowan presents three different settings: the traditional wedding procession, the "Europeanized" formal evening dance of local civic associations, and the private party. She examines the practices of eating, drinking, talking, gifting, and dancing, and the verbal discourse through which celebrants make sense of each other's actions. Paying particular attention to points of tension and moments of misunderstanding, she analyzes in what ways these social situations pose different problems for men and women.

Abstract: A catalog of the various political expertise and schema measures in use reveals little consensus among researchers and little basis for comparison across research programs. To examine the varieties of political expertise and their utilities in political information processing, virtually the entire battery of the available measures was given to a sample of Pittsburgh voters, who then read newspaper articles on political issues of current local interest. Confirmatory factor analysis of the expertise measures indicated a cluster of political knowledge, operationalized as (a) accurate consensual knowledge about liberals' and conservatives' issue stands, plus various individuals' and groups' ideological stands, (b) the issue stands of the president and one group, and (c) facts about the government. Other coherent dimensions of political expertise included political activity, print media use, electronic media use, and political self-schema. Structural equations supported political knowledge and print media usag...

Abstract: Gillian Brown's book probes the key relationship between domestic ideology and formulations of the self in nineteenth-century America. Arguing that domesticity institutes gender, class, and racial distinctions that govern masculine as well as feminine identity, Brown brilliantly alters, for literary critics, feminists, and cultural historians, the critical perspective from which nineteenth-century American literature and culture have been viewed. In this study of the domestic constitution of individualism, Brown traces how the values of interiority, order, privacy, and enclosure associated with the American home come to define selfhood in general. By analyzing writings by Stowe, Hawthorne, Melville, Fern, and Gilman, and by examining other contemporary cultural modes--abolitionism, consumerism, architecture, interior decorating, motherhood, mesmerism, hysteria, and agoraphobia--she reconfigures the parameters of both domesticity and the patterns of self it fashions. Unfolding a representational history of the domestic, Brown's work offers striking new readings of the literary texts as well as of the cultural contexts that they embody.

Abstract: Through a comparative analysis of educational theory and practice, this analytic overview illuminates the larger economic and political changes occurring in five peripheral countries--China, Cuba, Tanzania, Mozambique, and Nicaragua--commonly viewed as in transition to socialism. Current political patterns and leadership in these countries have emerged in the context of predominantly agricultural, industrially underdeveloped economies. Each state has played a major role in social transformation, relying on the educational system to train, educate, and socialize its future citizens. Discussing the similarities and differences among these states, the authors show the primacy of politics and the interaction of material and ideological goals in the process of social transition, and how shifting policies reflect and are reflected in educational change. This collection first examines critical analyses of education in capitalist societies, both industrialized and peripheral, and explores the utility of those perspectives in the political and educational conditions of the countries under study. Together these essays offer the first systematic explanation of how and why education in socialist countries undergoing rapid change differs from education in developing capitalist countries. Contributions to the study were made by Mary Ann Burris, Anton Johnston, and Carlos Alberto Torres.Originally published in 1990.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Abstract: If the 1960s was characterised by hope of seeing real development in the Third World that transformed people's lives, the current period is increasingly one of disillusionment. Development has failed, its theory is in crisis, its ideological foundations and the failures brought about by neo-liberalism now being widely challenged. With the collapse of so-called socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the growth of capitalism in China, there is a desperate need for establishing an alternative. In this newly updated analysis by Samir Amin, renowned economist and one of the best-known thinkers of his generation, the failure of development is examined from a political stand-point. He calls for an 'alternative development' that is neither statist nor liberalisation, but rather national, popular and based on South-South cooperation. This could lead to a genuinely polycentric world that provides Asia, Africa and Latin America with real scope for development. This book deals with the problems specific to the Third World, with particular emphasis on the crisis of the African continent. The capitalist state in the peripheries is unable to provide a basis for further development, it can only exacerbate inequalities. This means, says Amin, that the world needs to be remade on the basis of an alternative social system, one that delinks the South from the North, and builds on South-South solidarity.

Abstract: Introduction, Michael Payne and M.A.R.Habib The significance of theory, Terry Eagleton art after Auschwitz - Adorno's political aesthetics Terry Eagleton criticism, ideology, and fiction, Terry Eagleton and Michael Payne.

Abstract: The recent history of the working class is essential to any account of modern Britain: between 1880 and 1950 manual workers and their dependents made up three-quarters of the British population. In this fascinating collection of essays, Ross McKibbin examines the social and political character of the working class, as well as its relationship with the rest of society and the State. He focuses on such subjects as the relationship of work and hobbies, working-class gambling, class and poverty, and unemployment in inter-war Britain. What emerges is a coherent picture of the world in Britain's social classes. 'uniformly excellent, and should be read by anybody who is interested in the history, sociology or politics of Britain in the 20th century', London Review of Books 'splendid volume of essays ...McKibbin has written an illuminating work which takes the vitally important step from labour to working-class history', Times Literary Supplement

Abstract: Contents Preface 1. Literature, Ideology, and Hegemony 2. Culture, Intellectuals, and Politics in Central America 3. Nicaraguan Poetry from Dario to Cardenal 4. Nicaraguan Poetry of the Insurrection and Reconstruction 5. Salvadoran Revolutionary Poetry 6. Guatemalan Revolutionary Poetry 7. Testimonial Narrative Bibliography Index