Abstract: The contemporary writer like Jean Rhys reveals the limitations of Western feminism in the way that the dissenting voice of the colonized woman is silenced through Christophine's 'expulsion' from Wide Sargasso Sea. The very relationship between sexual reproduction and social subject-production, the dynamic nineteenth-century topos of feminism-in-imperialism, remains problematic within the limits of Shelley's text and, paradoxically, constitutes its strength. Frankenstein is not a battleground of male and female individualism articulated in terms of sexual reproduction and social subject-production. A basically isolationist admiration for the literature of the female subject in Europe and Anglo-America establishes the high feminist norm. The battle for female individualism plays itself out within the larger theatre of the establishment of meritocratic individualism, indexed in the aesthetic field by the ideology of the creative imagination. In a reading such as mine, in contrast, the effort is to wrench oneself away from the mesmerizing focus of the 'subject-constitution' of the female individualist.

Abstract: Introduction. 1. State, Society and Modern History. 2. The Traditional State: Domination and Military Power. 3. The Traditional State: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology. 4. The Absolutist State and the Nation--State. 5. Capitalism, Industrialism and Social Transformation. 6. Capitalism and the State: From Absolutism to the Nation--State. 7. Administrative Power, Internal Pacification. 8. Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship. 9. Capitalist Development and the Industrialization of War. 10. Nation--States in the Global State System. 11. Modernity, Totalitarianism and Critical Theory. Notes. Bibliography. Index.

Abstract: This essay attempts to assess Althusser's contribution to the reconceptualization of ideology. Rather than offering a detailed exegesis, the essay provides some general reflections on the theoretical gains flowing from Althusser's break with classical Marxist formulations of ideology. It argues that these gains opened up a new perspective within Marxism, enabling a rethinking of ideology in a significantly different way.

Abstract: 1. Introduction: the state of the art Part I: 2. Virtues, rights and manners: a model for historians of political thought 3. Authority and property: the question of liberal origins 4. 1776: the revolution against parliament Part II: 5. Modes of political and historical time in early eighteenth-century England 6. The mobility of property and the rise of eighteenth-century sociology 7. Hume and the American Revolution: the dying thoughts of a North Briton 8. Gibbon's Decline and Fall and the world view of the late enlightenment 9. Josiah Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price: a study in the varieties of eighteenth-century conservatism 10. The political economy of Burke's analysis of the French Revolution Part III: 11. The varieties of Whiggism from exclusion to reform: a history of ideology and discourse Index.

Abstract: The 1983 General Election. Class and politics. The decline of class voting? Housing. Education and occupation. Neighbourhood, region and vote. Policies. Ideology. Ideological change in the electorate. Ideological change in the parties. Competence and fairness. Conclusions. Appendices. Index.

Abstract: Three elements of late nineteenth century society are examined: imperialism as the urgent moment of sociopolitical necessity, Social Darwinism as compelling ideology of an imperial capitalism, and environmental determinism as first version of modern geography. To legitimate imperial conflict and conquest, sociological principles were derived from biology using the methodological linking device of the organismic analogy. Fundamental differences between humans and the rest of nature could not be comprehended within this methodology. Though aimed at a science of society. Social Darwinism in general and environmental determinism as its geographic version were forced to assume a quasi-scientific form in racism, and nature was given a causal power that could not be scientifically justified. Marxism, by comparison, provides a theoretical basis for scientifically comprehending the relations between nature, production, and society. Following Social Darwinism rather than Marxism prevented geography from ac...

Abstract: This book is the first survey of the period between the Glorious Revolution and the Reform Bill to attempt to outline some general explanations of England as an ancien-regime state, dominated politically, culturally and ideologically by the three pillars of an early-modern social order: monarchy, aristocracy, church. In this schematic study, which stems from his earlier work on party-politics in these years, Dr Jonathan Clark combines techniques of analysis, historiographical review and narrative to produce a new and challenging synthesis of political ideology, religion, psephology, social structure and cultural hegemony. In its major reinterpretations of such diverse subjects as the wider impact of economic growth, the nature of the social hierarchy, Jacobitism, the Church of England, radicalism, Edmund Burke and the Reform Bill, this study has much to offer to students and senior historians alike.

Abstract: Examining the novels of Frank Norris, Theodore Dreiser, Jack London, and other writers, June Howard presents a study of American literary naturalism as a genre. Naturalism, she states, is a way of imagining the world and the relation of the self to the world, a way of making sense -- and making narrative -- out of the comforts and discomforts of its historical moment.Howard believes that naturalism accomodates the sense of perilousness, uncertainty, and disorder that many Americans felt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She argues for a redefinition of the form which allows it to be seen as an immanent ideology responding to a specific historical situation. Working both from accepted definitions of naturalism and from close analysis of the literary texts themselves, Howard consructs a new description of the genre in terms of its thematic antinomies, patterns of characterization, and narrative strategies. She defines a range of historical and cultural reference for the ideas and images of American naturalism and suggests that the form has affinities with such contemporary ideologies as political progressivism and criminal anthropology. In the process, she demonstrates that genre criticism and historical analysis can be combined to create a powerful method for writing literary history.Throughout Howard's study, the concept of genre is used not as a prescriptive straitjacket but as a category allowing the perception of significant similarities and differences among literary works and the coordination of textual analysis with the history of literary and social forces. For Howard, naturalism is a dynamic solution to the problem of generating narrative from the particular historical and cultural materials available to the authors.Originally published in 1985.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

Abstract: This article was inspired – perhaps I should say provoked – by Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions . I believe that her book deserves the general acclaim it has received as a model of comparative historical analysis and as a brilliant contribution to the sociology of revolutions. But I also believe that Skocpol's treatment of the role of ideology in revolution is inadequate. This article begins by developing an alternative to Skocpol's conception of ideology, then demonstrates how this alternative conception can help to illuminate the history of the French Revolution, and concludes with some suggestions for future comparative studies of revolutions. Skocpol's goal in States and Social Revolutions is to specify, by means of a comparative historical analysis, the causes and the outcomes of the three great social revolutions of modern times: the French, the Russian, and the Chinese. She analyzes revolutions from what she terms a “non-voluntarist, structuralist perspective,” emphasizing three fundamental structural relations: (1) between classes (especially landlords and peasants), (2) between classes and states, and (3) between different states in international relations. To summarize a very complex and subtle argument, Skocpol sees a particular combination of conditions as being conducive to social revolution: (1) well-organized and autonomous peasant communities, (2) a dominant class of absentee agricultural rentiers who are highly dependent on the state, and (3) a semibureaucratized state that falls behind in military competition with rival states.

Abstract: Archaeologists, as explorers and discoverers, have maintained the myth of objective research far longer than have researchers in other social science disciplines. Focused on action, the “cowboys of science” (Alaskan bumper sticker 1981) have dabbled little in self-reflective criticism. Now at 50, however, the discipline is becoming aware that our notions of the past, our epistemologies, our research emphases, the methods we employ in our research, and the interpretations we bring to and distill from our investigations, are far from value-neutral.

Abstract: This study examines ways that political processes influence the provision of basic human needs once the effects of aggregate national wealth are removed. Three general explanatory approaches are examined. These are based on the size or strength of the national government, the achievement ofdemocratic processes, and the ideological orientation ofruling elites along a left-right dimension. These three approaches are analyzed by regressing an index of physical well-being, the PQLI, on measures drawn from each perspective for a sample of 1 16 contemporary nations. The findings indicate that political attributes do indeed have an impact on the provision of basic needs even when controlling for aggregate social wealth. Democratic processes are related to positive welfare outcomes irrespective of state strength and ideological norms. For regimes with a roughly centrist ideology, state strength appears to make little noticeable difference one way or another; for those on the left, state strength promotes welfare performance; for those on the right, state strength is found to inhibit the provision of basic needs. How do political processes affect the welfare of individuals? This question in countless variants has motivated students of political economy at least since the advent of the modern nation-state. In its simplest form, the empirical question becomes "What kind of state achieves the highest level of welfare for its citizens?" Although it may seem that there are as many answers as possible dimensions of states, most analyses have centered on one (or more) of three general explanatory approaches. The first focuses on the size or strength of the state apparatus as the essential ingredient in translating productive potential into welfare outcomes. Successful welfare performance hinges on the capability of the state, because the state is considered the one social institution concerned with the material needs of the population as a whole. A second model highlights procedural aspects of the political system rather than the budgetary strength of the state by linking successful welfare outcomes to the relatively even distribution of political power brought about by political democracy. The third approach is distinguished from the other two by its emphasis on the ideological orientation (usually on a left-right continuum) of ruling elites. This model posits welfare

Abstract: The 1982 split in the Ruling Nationalist Party in South Africa focused attention on the relationship between Afrikaner nationalism and capitalism. Volkskapitalisme (the nationalist term for Afrikaner capital) analyses the development of Afrikaner nationalism from the early thirties to the election victory of the Nationalist Party in 1948. The book sets out to refute the commonly held belief that the nationalist policies of apartheid are simply the product of 'irrational' racial ideology. Dan O'Meara examines here for the first time the relationship between the emergence of 'Afrikaner' capital in the so-called Economic Movement of the 1940s and the political and ideological forms of development of Afrikaner nationalism. During these years, far from being a monolithic movement of an ethnically mobilised group, Afrikaner nationalism emerged as an alliance of conflicting class forces. Dan O'Meara's examination of the development of Afrikaner capital and the interplay of ideology, class and economic interests in Afrikaner nationalism is essential reading for all concerned with past political struggles in southern Africa.

Abstract: Given the complexity and ambiguity ofthings political, there are many ways to think about government and politics. The authors compare class, partisan, and ideological schemata in terms of cognitive content and utility in discriminating among political policies and President Reagan's positions on the issues. The "rich-poor" class schema is found to provide most respondents with a mechanism for dealing effectively with "spend-save" type issues, while both the "Republican-Democrat" partisan schema and the "liberal-conservative" ideological schema provide sophisticated respondents with an effective cognitive framework for dealing with both spend-save issues and the more abstract noneconomic policies. It is fast becoming an article of faith in the groves of academe that God so loved physicists She gave them all the simple problems, leaving the rest of us with what are called "interesting questions," the hallmarks of which are disagreements over concepts, disputes about measures, and counterarguments to every interpretation. Nowhere is the controversial nature of political science more evident than in the literature on belief systems, in particular the role of ideology. Although the conceptual and methodological problems with ideological belief systems are serious enough for Bennett (1977) to have called for a moratorium on empirical research pending the

Abstract: This is the first major interpretation of the framing of the Constitution to appear in more than two decades. Forrest McDonald, widely considered one of the foremost historians of the Constitution and of the early national period, reconstructs the intellectual world of the Founding Fathers including their understanding of law, history political philosophy, and political economy, and their firsthand experience in public affairs and then analyzes their behavior in the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in light of that world. No one has attempted to do so on such a scale before. McDonald's principal conclusion is that, though the Framers brought a variety of ideological and philosophical positions to bear upon their task of building a "new order of the ages," they were guided primarily by their own experience, their wisdom, and their common sense. "A witty and energetic study of the ideas and passions of the Framers." "New York Times Book Review" "Bristles with wit and intellectual energy." "Christian Science Monitor" "A masterpiece. McDonald's status as an interpreter of the Constitution is unequalled magisterial." "National Review""

Abstract: Ireland's footing within the United Kingdom in the period between Edmund Burke's last years and the generation of Yeats and Joyce, was unique and anomalous: in social terms this was evident in the prestige of the Protestant Ascendancy; and in literary terms in the values accorded to the notion of tradition. This study uncovers the bourgeois origins of Ascendancy ideology in the alarm of the 1790s, and traces its cultural significance by means of a series of detailed critiques of central texts and concepts.

Abstract: Clinical psychology in South Africa, with few exceptions, has been unresponsive to its socio-political context. Attempts by certain authors to make their work relevant to the South African context are examined. Their adherence to a non-critical, conservative ideology is suggested as a reason for the lack of a more powerful critical focus. It is argued that Apartheid (or the policy of racial segregation) adversely affects the mental well-being of most South Africans through its generation of stress situations unique to this society. It is further argued that clinical psychology cannot claim scientific or moral respectability as long as it continues to take an uncritical position. South African clinical psychologists can begin to remedy this situation through the development of appropriate research and training, as well as public pronouncement through their professional associations.

Abstract: Max Weber's Problemattk still retains its power: why did only Christian Europe amongst the world civilisations autonomously create an economic dynamism, broadly capitalist in character? This essay gives an answer to this question, but it is one, for the most part, not in the spirit of the great German sociologist. There is, of course, a major academic industry devoted to the interpretation of Weber's work, but it still remains safe to say that Weber's own explanation for the fortuitous rise of the West had to do with ideological options concerning rational economic behaviour which gained particular salience in the fifteenth century despite having been present in embryo for a much longer period.

Abstract: What follows here is an essay—a rather one-sided viewpoint that is both tentative and, within the limits of a journal article, incomplete. I attempt to understand how our recent preoccupation with our bodies is being mobilized as one solution to the fiscal crisis of the welfare state. The deep-rooted assumptions of voluntarism that characterize liberal ideology, I claim, are surfacing again in the debate over lifestyle. And lifestyle, it appears, has become an ideological construction which diverts attention from the structural impediments to well-being by framing health issues in terms of personal, moral responsibilities—a “pull yourself up by the bootstraps” alternative to state intervention in health care. Some implications of the lifestyle ideology for physical educationists are presented.

Abstract: Beginning with the observation that among the Awlād c Alī Bedouins of the Egyptian Western Desert individuals respond to personal loss with two contradictory sets of sentiments, one expressed in ordinary language and public interactions and the other expressed in a form of poignant lyric poetry spontaneously recited in intimate contexts, this paper explores the significance of the coexistence of discrepant discourses on emotion for understanding the relationship between the self and cultural ideals. For Awlād c Alī, like others in circum-Mediterranean societies, the cultural ideals are those entailed by the honor code. Analysis of the links between this code and the two discourses reveals the complexity of the relationship between cultural ideology and individual experience and its articulation. [self and emotion, ideology, honor code, poetry, Middle East Bedouins, loss]

Abstract: The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The “linguistic turn” in twentieth century philosophy, social psychology, and literary theory entails an intellectual ferment that raises fundamental questions about a great deal of mainstream political science, and especially about its logical positivist premises.While the writers just mentioned analyze various senses in which language use is an aspect of creativity, those who focus upon specifically political language are chiefly concerned with its capacity to reflect ideology, mystify, and distort. The more perspicacious of them deny that an undistorting language is possible in a social world marked by inequalities in resources and status, though the notion of an undistorted language can be useful as an evocation of an ideal benchmark. The emphasis upon political language as distorting or mystifying is a key theme in Lasswell and Orwell, as it is in Habermas, Osgood, Ellul, Vygotsky, Enzensberger, Bennett, and Shapiro.

Abstract: This paper uses the natural experiment of redistricting to measure how much congressmen adjust their positions when the prevailing opinion in their districts changes. The evidence indicates an appreciable amount of responsiveness. Ideological responsiveness is higher among congressmen who win reelection than among those not returned to office, and is greater among senior congressmen than among junior ones. Substantial differences appear on the group level, with Democrats following mostly liberal changes and Republicans following conservative ones.

Abstract: Acknowledgements Notes on translations and area under study, with map Part I. Introduction: 1. Low caste protest in nineteenth-century western India Part II. Religion and Society Under Early British Rule: 2. From warrior traditions to nineteenth-century politics: structure, ideology, and identity in the Maratha-kunbi caste complex 3. The crisis of cultural legitimacy: missionaries, reformers, and Hindu society in the mid-nineteenth century 4. The growth of religious reform opinion in western India Part III. Jotirao Phule and his circle: the emergence of a distinctive radical voice: 5. Student radicals in mid-nineteenth-century Maharashtra 6. The Aryan invasions and the origins of caste society 7. Warriors and cultivators: the reinterpretation of popular culture 8. Maratha history as polemic: low caste ideology and political debate in late nineteenth-century Maharashtra Part IV. The Lower Caste Community in Contemporary Society: 9. Religious emancipation and political competition 10. Social protest and the construction of a religious ethic 11. Traditional privileges and new skills: Phule's analysis of the nature of Brahman power 12. The Satyashodhak Samaj in the 1870s Part V. Ideology and the Non-Brahman Movement in the 1880s: 13. Phule's polemic in the 1880s: the ideological construction of rural life and labour 14. The non-Brahman movement in the 1880s 15. Epilogue: ideology and politics in nineteenth-century western India Bibliographic note Bibliography Glossary Index.

Abstract: Five historians uncover the ties between people's daily routines and the all-encompassing framework of their lives. They trace the processes of social construction in Western Europe, the United States, Latin America, Africa, and China, discussing both the historical similarities and the ways in which individual history has shaped each area's development. They stress the need for a social history that connects individuals to major ideological, political, and economic transformations.