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Full-time
About: Full-time is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 843 publications have been published within this topic receiving 15573 citations.
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TL;DR: In this paper, a life cycle model of saving and labour supply is proposed to account for dramatic changes in female labour force participation and labor supply over the last 30 years, and the authors explore whether changes to some specific parameters and exogenous variables of this model can generate the patterns observed in the data.
Abstract: Female labour force participation and labour supply, in the US, as in many other developed countries, has changed dramatically over the last 30 years. If one compares cohorts of women born in the 1930s (such as Elizabeth Dole), 1940s (Hillary Clinton) and 1950s (Oprah Winfrey), two main features emerge when considering labour supply in its various dimensions. First, comparing the Elizabeth Dole cohort to the Hillary Clinton one, we can see a substantial shift of the age profile of labour supply. However, the shape of the profile does not change much. In particular, in both profiles we observe a low participation corresponding to child rearing years. When comparing the Hillary Clinton cohort with the Oprah Winfrey one, we see that the low participation rates associated with the 'fertility years' are no longer present. The aim of this paper is to propose a life cycle model of saving and labour supply that could account for these dramatic changes. We explore whether changes to some specific parameters and exogenous variables of this model can generate the patterns observed in the data. Or, to use a different perspective, we want to quantify the size of changes in unobservable factors needed to explain the observed patterns. The main change in labour supply behaviour in the data is on the extensive margin. We consider a number of possible determinants of these changes in participation. First, wages may have increased relative to the fixed cost of participation. For example, the costs of child-care may have fallen. This would lead to greater participation at all ages and especially among mothers of infants. Second, on-the-job learning or the return to experience may have increased. As argued by Olivetti (2001), this increases the opportunity cost of reduced labor supply. Third, the depreciation of skills that occurs if an individual is not participating may have increased. Finally, we look at other possible explanations, such as a delay in the arrival of the first child and an increase in uncertainty over husband's income. Our structural model of life-cycle behaviour attempts to evaluate these alternative explanations. Obviously, wages are likely to be an important determinant of female labour supply. However, by looking at the dynamics of wages alone, it is difficult to disentangle the return to experience, the depreciation rate of human capital and the extent of participation bias (selection). Moreover, the interactions of these effects with other important determinants (such as fertility patterns, the cost of children, uncertainty, and so on) even in a simple life cycle model can be quite complex and difficult to quantify. Furthermore, a simple analysis that relates wages to labour supply, neglects general equilibrium effects that also imply an effect running from labour supply to wages. The main purpose of this paper is to build a realistic life-cycle environment in which we can explicitly model the participation choice. We can then calibrate the model to fit the behaviour of a given cohort and experiment with changes in the basic determinants of labour supply to determine which are more likely to yield the profiles of other cohorts. In our life cycle model households face uncertainty about the wages of the husband and the wife; maternity is exogenously given and children impose some monetary fixed cost when mothers decide to work. Decisions are taken at an annual frequency. The model takes into account returns to experience as a result of participation and depreciation of human capital when labor market interruptions are made. Households are able to save and borrow and women choose whether or not to work. This makes our model different from Keane and Wolpin (1989) and van Der Klaauw (1996), who estimate structural models of females' employment decision in the first case and females' employment and marital status decisions in the second case imposing that consumption coincides with income. Without the saving choice, the only way to intertemporally substitute consumption would be through changing labor supply and hence, in a model with returns to experience, the future wage rate. Saving is potentially a more flexible means of intertemporal substitution and so ignoring savings overstates the importance of the labor supply choice in life-cycle smoothing. We calibrate our model by matching observed participation profiles to simulated participation and observed wage profiles to the simulated wages of those who choose to work. Wage profiles in both the data and in the simulations are subject to selection; that is we only observe the wages of the women who choose to participate. Our selection model enables us to identify the depreciation effect separately from the return to experience. We use observed profiles from the cohort born at the start of the '40s for our calibration. We then explore the role of different factors in shaping changes of the life-cycle wage profile and participation profile. Pencavel (1998) and Coleman and Pencavel (1993) report similar paths for participation to the paths we report. The facts on employment are not in dispute. More controversial is understanding the data on wage profiles, on depreciation of human capital and on the underlying question of why participation has changed. Mincer and Pollachek (1974) and Mincer and Olfek (1982) discuss the extent of human capital depreciation under different assumptions on the permanence of depreciation. We report some statistics on depreciation but without a structural model of participation it is hard to identify the depreciation rate. Olivetti (2000) suggests that changes in wage profiles across cohorts reflect a change in the return to experience. The evidence we present is somewhat weaker: first, the cohort effect which leads to an increase in the return to experience can plausibly be interpreted as a year effect with wages in the 1980s growing faster than in previous periods. Second, wage growth seems to have benefited those who have worked only intermittently as well as those who have worked full time. There is now a substantial literature addressing the underlying question of why participation has changed. For example, Olivetti (2001) uses a four period model and the estimates of the returns to experience in Olivetti (2000) to show the effect that increase in the returns to experience has on hours worked by women. Greenwood and Seshadri (2002) measure the impact of technological progress on the increase in women's participation. Caucutt, Guner and Knowles (2001) explore the interaction between wage inequality and the marriage, fertility and labour supply decisions. The contribution of the current paper is primarily to use a realistic life-cycle model of saving and participation to compare alternative explanations.
561 citations
TL;DR: This article explored the experiences of first-generation college students who attend large public research universities and found that the first generation students experience a sense of belonging and satisfaction in regard to their educational experience.
Abstract: For most college students, the journey toward degree attainment is typically filled with a combination of challenges and successes; however, the educational pathway to a college degree can be more arduous for some students, including first-generation students. Our study explored the experiences of first-generation college students who attend large public research universities. More specifically, how do first-generation students experience a sense of belonging and satisfaction in regard to their educational experience? What might be the relationship between first-generation students' sense of belonging on campus and their mental health? And what is the role of college counselors in helping first-generation students to persist toward graduation? The number of first-generation students on college campuses continues to increase (Engle & Tinto, 2008; Jehangir, 2010a). According to Pryor et al. (2010), approximately 20.6% of entering 1st-year students currently self-identify as first-generation students, totaling more than 4.5 million first-generation students enrolled in higher education institutions. Demographics seem to indicate that first-generation students and other historically underserved student populations (e.g., immigrant groups, low-income students, students of color) will look to higher education opportunities to improve their financial situation (Conway, 2010). College success, especially attainment of the baccalaureate degree, serves as the primary means for first-generation and underserved populations to improve their socioeconomic status (Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008). A postsecondary education is increasingly necessary in today's society; the Bureau of Labor Statistics, as described by Rothkopf (2009), predicted that 63% of the 18.9 million new jobs that will be created by 2014 will require some postsecondary education. It is important to define and describe first-generation students because there are multiple definitions in the higher education literature. For the purpose of this article, first-generation status is defined as neither parent having earned a bachelor's degree; this is also the definition used by the federal TRiO grant programs. In our study, college students were considered first-generation even if their parents had some postsecondary education and/or an associate's degree. On the basis of data from the U.S. Department of Education and National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (2003-2004; National Center for Education Statistics, 2007), there are certain characteristics that compose a profile of first-generation students. First-generation students are more likely than their non-first-generation counterparts to have additional characteristics that may disadvantage them as they pursue their college education. For example, first-generation students are more likely to be older, come from minority backgrounds, and have a disability (Bui, 2002). Additionally, first-generation students are more likely to be nonnative English speakers, immigrants (i.e., have been born outside of the United States), single parents, and financially independent from their parents (Bui, 2002). Additionally, as described by Engle and Tinto (2008), first-generation students tend to hold low-income status, which is defined as having a combined household income under $25,000 per year. First-generation students are also more likely than non-first-generation students to have delayed entry into postsecondary education after high school, live off campus, attend college closer to home, attend part time (i.e., not taking a full load of credits), and work full time during enrollment in college. Often, first-generation students are nontraditional, female adult students (over the age of 24) who are returning to college to start or finish a degree program. Although institutions of higher education have generally done a better job of promoting college access to first-generation students, college success as measured by persistence and graduation rates (i. …
357 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate possible interaction effects between job insecurity and type of contract (temporary versus permanent) for various psychological outcomes (job satisfaction, organizational commitment, life satisfaction, and self-rated performance), some of which have received little attention.
Abstract: Recent research suggests that the relationship between job insecurity and psychological outcomes is more negative among permanent compared with temporary workers. We investigate possible interaction effects between job insecurity and type of contract (temporary versus permanent) for various psychological outcomes (job satisfaction, organizational commitment, life satisfaction, and self-rated performance), some of which have received little attention. We aim to explain these interaction effects, while taking into account the heterogeneous nature of temporary workers in terms of tenure, employment prospects, and wish to do temporary employment. We argue that permanent workers expect higher levels of job security; job insecurity breaches permanent workers’ but not temporary workers’ expectations. This may relate to unfavourable outcomes. Similarly, the heterogeneous nature of temporary workers may relate to job security expectations and thus to reactions to job insecurity. This study was conducted o...
297 citations
TL;DR: Bianchi et al. as discussed by the authors found that women imposed more job tradeoffs in response to their husbands' work efforts, whereas men's work restrictions were largely unresponsive to familial characteristics.
Abstract: In egalitarian families, we might expect that men and women similarly prioritize work and family obligations. Yet, prior research examining gender differences in work-family priorities often use measures that imperfectly reflect those priorities. Drawing two samples of full-time married workers from the 1992 National Study of the Changing Workforce, this article analyzed the determinants of placing restrictions on work efforts (reducing work hours, refusing to travel, etc.) for the sake of family life. Results showed that women imposed more job tradeoffs in response to husband's work efforts, whereas men's work restrictions were largely unresponsive to familial characteristics. In conclusion, prioritizing work and family obligations is governed more by gender traditionalism than by egalitarianism. Key Words: employment, families and work, gender. Over the past three decades, a large body of research has examined changes in men's and women's family roles and their effects on the work-family nexus (for overviews, see Bianchi, 2000; Perry-Jenkins, Repetti, & Crouler, 2000). A central concern of this research is an assessment of whether men are more focused on family life as women have increasingly pursued careers. This question takes on added salience as the perception grows that employers are now more willing to allow employees to use company time to attend to family needs (Fried, 1998; Hochschild, 1997). In reviewing these trends, Williams (2000) argued that contemporary adults can realistically strive for marriages in which each partner is both a caregiver and a provider. If so, this would represent a dramatic shift in work-family role performance. Indeed, Presser (1989, p. 531) summarized research findings from the 1970s and early 1980s in this way: "Women generally are the adapters who arrange their work hours around those of their husbands rather than vice versa.... Men are accepters: they are willing to care for children when mothers are employed." Although Presser was synthesizing research that linked children's care with parental work schedules, her assessment pointed to an enduring traditionalism in American family life in which men's work efforts were privileged over women's. For many, shared nurturing and providing roles is the standard of egalitarianism against which contemporary family life is measured. This study contends that restricting work efforts (e.g., by refusing a promotion or limiting work hours) out of a concern for family life reveals a person's priorities regarding work and family roles. As such, the purpose of this study is to examine gender differences in making job trade-offs for the sake of family life. (Although the terms, work restrictions, job trade-offs, and limiting work efforts may be analytically distinct, they are used synonymously in this article.) BACKGROUND Evidence for Egalitarianism Some evidence for egalitarianism in work and family roles can be found in studies that examined temporal trends in attitudes and behaviors. For example, survey data showed that with time, women increasingly desired careers (rather than devoted themselves full time to homemaking), and men increasingly supported matemal employment and were less concerned about its effects on children (Brewster & Padavic, 2000). Yet, commitment to egalitarianism is stronger in younger cohorts, and older cohorts tend to be more traditional in their orientations (Carr, 2002). Other studies found that contemporary men exceeded their past counterparts in doing housework (e.g., Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, & Robinson, 2000) and child care (e.g., Sayer, Bianchi, & Robinson, 2004). Of course, a stronger determinant of gender convergence on these indicators is women's declining time in these activities (Bianchi, 2000; Coltrane, 2000). Nevertheless, this body of work generally found that men played a greater role in family life when they supported gender equality and when their wives brought more resources (i. …
230 citations
TL;DR: Work and study commitments of full-time undergraduate students at the University of New South Wales were investigated in four surveys conducted in 1994, 1999, 2006 and 2009 as mentioned in this paper, and the findings are consistent with UK studies showing an increase in part-time work by full-'time students.
Abstract: Work and study commitments of full‐time undergraduate students at the University of New South Wales were investigated in four surveys conducted in 1994, 1999, 2006 and 2009. Respondents to the surveys reported the amount of time they spent during term time in paid employment, studying outside of formal class hours and in leisure activities (1999 and 2006 only). Fifty full‐time students in 2006 and 37 in 2009 who were identified through the survey as working in excess of 10 hours per week were interviewed about their work and study relationships. Findings are consistent with UK studies showing an increase in part‐time work by full‐time students. In addition, a steady decrease was found in hours of study outside normal class time and in time spent in leisure activities. Reasons for working offered by interviewees were predominantly financial although many reported that gaining work experience, even in areas not related to their studies, was an important consideration. While some of the students interviewed ...
194 citations
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| Year | Papers |
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| 2025 | 6 |
| 2024 | 11 |
| 2023 | 9 |
| 2022 | 18 |
| 2021 | 22 |
| 2020 | 22 |