TL;DR: The theory of economic development was first published in 1911 by Schumpeter as discussed by the authors, who argued that economics is a natural self-regulating mechanism when undisturbed by "social and other meddlers." In his preface he argues that despite weaknesses, theories are based on logic and provide structure for understanding fact.
Abstract: Schumpeter proclaims in this classical analysis of capitalist society first published in 1911 that economics is a natural self-regulating mechanism when undisturbed by "social and other meddlers." In his preface he argues that despite weaknesses, theories are based on logic and provide structure for understanding fact. Of those who argue against him, Schumpeter asks a fundamental question: "Is it really artificial to keep separate the phenomena incidental to running a firm and the phenomena incidental to creating a new one?" In his answers, Schumpeter offers guidance to Third World politicians no less than First World businesspeople. In his substantial new introduction, John E. Elliott discusses the salient ideas of The Theory of Economic Development against the historical background of three great periods of economic thought in the last two decades.
TL;DR: "Global Woman" offers an unprecedented look at a world shaped by mass migration and economic exchange on an ever-increasing scale, in which the main resource extracted from the third world is no longer gold or silver, but love.
Abstract: In a remarkable pairing, two renowned social critics offer a groundbreaking anthology that examines the unexplored consequences of globalization on the lives of women worldwide Women are moving around the globe as never before But for every female executive racking up frequent flier miles, there are multitudes of women whose journeys go unnoticed Each year, millions leave Mexico, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, and other third world countries to work in the homes, nurseries, and brothels of the first world This broad-scale transfer of labor associated with women's traditional roles results in an odd displacement In the new global calculus, the female energy that flows to wealthy countries is subtracted from poor ones, often to the detriment of the families left behind The migrant nanny--or cleaning woman, nursing care attendant, maid--eases a "care deficit" in rich countries, while her absence creates a "care deficit" back home Confronting a range of topics, from the fate of Vietnamese mail-order brides to the importation of Mexican nannies in Los Angeles and the selling of Thai girls to Japanese brothels, "Global Woman" offers an unprecedented look at a world shaped by mass migration and economic exchange on an ever-increasing scale In fifteen vivid essays-- of which only four have been previously published-- by a diverse and distinguished group of writers, collected and introduced by bestselling authors Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Russell Hochschild, this important anthology reveals a new era in which the main resource extracted from the third world is no longer gold or silver, but love
TL;DR: Ong as mentioned in this paper argued that hierarchical schemes of racial and cultural difference intersect in a complex, contingent way to locate minorities of color from different class backgrounds in the United States, and viewed cultural citizenship as a process of self-making and being-made in relation to nation-states and transnational pro- cesses.
Abstract: CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number 5, December 1996 CI 1996 by The Wenne1-Gren Foundation for Anthropologi~l Research. All rights reserved OOI1-3204/96/370~:-OOO2S3.00 Cultural Citizenship as Subject-Making Immigrants Negotiate Racial and Cultural Boundaries in the United States' by Aihwa Ong This paper views cultural citizenship as a process of self-making and being-made in relation to nation-states and transnational pro cesses. Whereas some scholars claim that racism has been re placed by cultural fundamentalism in defining who belongs or does not belong in Western democracies, this essay argues that hierarchical schemes of racial and cultural difference intersect in a complex, contingent way to locate minorities of color from dif ferent class backgrounds. Comparing the experiences of rich and poor Asian immigrants to the United States, I discuss institu tional practices whereby nonwhite immigrants in the First World are simultaneously, though unevenly, subjected to twO processes of normalization: an ideological whitening or blackening that re flects dominant racial oppositions and an assessment of cultural competence based on imputed human capital and consumer power in the minority subject. Immigrants from Asia or poorer countries must daily negotiate the lines of difference established by state agencies as well as groups in civil society. A subsidiary point is that, increasingly, such modalities of citizen-making are influenced by transnational capitalism. Depending on their loca tions in the global economy, some immigrants of color have greater access than others to key institutions in state and civil society. Global citizenship thus-eonfers citizenship privileges in Western democracies to a degree that may help the immigrant to scale racial and cultwal heights but not to circumvent Status hi erarchy based on racial dUference. AIHWA ONG is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the Uni versity of California, Berkeley IBerkeley, Calif. 94720, U.S.A. I. She has conducted ethnographic research in Malaysia, South China, and California and is currently working on citizenship, economic restructuring and uansnational publics. She is the au thor of Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Facrory Women in Malaysia IAlbany: State University of New York Press, 19871 and the coeditor, with Michael G. Peletz, of Be witchmg Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in South east Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 19951 and, with Don NOnioi, of Edges of Empire: Culture and Identity in Modern Chinese TransnaUonalism INew York: Routledge, in pressl. The present paper was submitted n 1 96 and accepted 18 1 96; the final version reached the Editor's office 4 1II 96. In the fall of r970, I left Malaysia and arrived as a fresh man in New York City. I was immediately swept up in the antiwar movement. President Nixon had just begun his secret bombing of Cambodia. Joining crowds of angry students marching down Broadway, I paIticipated in the takeover of the East Asian Institute building on the Columbia University campus. As I stood there confronting policemen in riot gear, I thought about what Southeast Asia meant to the United States. Were South east Asians simply an anonymous mass of people in black pajamas? Southeast Asia was a faI-off place where America was conducting a savage war against commu nism. American lives were being lost, and so were those of countless Vietnamese, Cambodians, Laotians, and others. This rite of passage into American society was to shape my attitude towaId citizenship. As a for eign student I was at a disadvantage, ineligible for most loans, fellowships, and jobs. My sister, a naturalized American, could have sponsored me for a green card, but the bombing of Cambodia, symptomatic of widet disregard for my part of the world, made American citi zenship a difficult mo,.l issue for me. Much writing on citizenship has ignored such subjec tive and contradictory experiences, focusing instead on its broad legal-political aspects. For instance, Thomas Marshall (r9501 defines citizenship as a question of mo dernity, but he identifies it primarily in terms of the evolution of civil society and the working out of the tensions between the sovereign subject and solidarity in a nation-state. Other scholars have pointed to the con tradiction between democratic citizenship and capital ism-the opposition between abstract, universalistic rights and the inequalities engendered by market com petition, race, and immigration (Hall and Held r989, Potles and Rumbaut r 9901. But these approaches seldom examine how the universalistic criteria of democratic citizenship variously regulate different categories of sub jects or how these subjects' locatio!U>'ithin the nation state and within the global economy conditions the con struction of their citizenship. Indeed, even studies of citizenship that take into account the effects on it of capital accumulation and consumption have been con cerned with potential sltategies for political change to remake civil society (Yudice t995). Seldom is attention focused on the everyday processes whereby people, espe cially immigrants, aIe made into subjects of a particulaI nation-state. If Citizenship as Subjectification Taking an ethnographic approach, I consider Clllzen ship a cultural process of subject-ification,1I in the Fou caldian sense of self-making and being-made by power relations that produce consent through schemes of surveillance, discipline, control, and administration (Foucault t989, 199tl. Thus formulated, my concept of cultural cilizenship can be applied to various global con texts (see Ong r993, Ong and Nonini t996), but in this papel I will discu'ss the making of cultural citizens in 1. I received a fellowship from the Rockefeller Gender Roles Pro gram for research on Cambodian refugees and cultural citizenship. I thank Brackette Williams and Katharyn Poethig for their com ments on earlier drafts of the paper and Kathleen Erwin for proof readinR the flnal version.
TL;DR: Aijaz Ahmad as discussed by the authors has produced a spirited critique of the major theoretical statements on "colonial discourse" and "post-colonialism," dismantling many of the commonplaces and conceits that dominate contemporary cultural criticism.
Abstract: After the Second World War, nationalism emerged as the principle expression of resistance to Western imperialism in a variety of regions from the Indian subcontinent to Africa, to parts of Latin America and the Pacific Rim. With the Bandung Conference and the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement, many of Europe's former colonies banded together to form a common bloc, aligned with neither the advanced capitalist "First World" nor with the socialist "Second World." In this historical context, the category of "Third World literature" emerged, a category that has itself spawned a whole industry of scholarly and critical studies, particularly in the metropolitan West, but increasingly in the homelands of the Third World itself. Setting himself against the growing tendency to homogenize "Third World" literature and cultures, Aijaz Ahmad has produced a spirited critique of the major theoretical statements on "colonial discourse" and "post-colonialism," dismantling many of the commonplaces and conceits that dominate contemporary cultural criticism. With lengthy considerations of, among others, Fredric Jameson, Edward Said, and the Subaltern Studies group, "In Theory" also contains brilliant analyses of the concept of Indian literature, of the genealogy of the term "Third World," and of the conditions under which so-called "colonial discourse theory" emerged in metropolitan intellectual circles. Erudite and lucid, Ahmad's remapping of the terrain of cultural theory is certain to provoke passionate response.
TL;DR: Mowforth and Munt as discussed by the authors explored the most significant universal geopolitical norms of the last half century and through the lens of new forms of tourism demonstrates how we can better get to grips with the rapidly changing new global order.
Abstract: By January 2015 the world’s richest 80 people had as much wealth as the poorest 50 per cent of the world’s population. It is a global unevenness through which the barriers to in-migration of Third World migrants to wealthy First World nations go ever higher, while the barriers to travel in the reverse direction are all but extinct.
So how exactly does tourism contribute to narrowing this glaring inequality between the rich and poor? Are ever-expanding tourism markets a smoke-free, socioculturally sensitive form of human industrialisation? Is alternative tourism really a credible lever for reducing global inequality and eliminating poverty?
Tourism and Sustainability critically explores the most significant universal geopolitical norms of the last half century – development, globalisation and sustainability – and through the lens of new forms of tourism demonstrates how we can better get to grips with the rapidly changing new global order. The fourth edition has been extensively revised and updated, and benefits from the addition of new material on climate change and tourism.
Drawing on a range of examples from across the Third World, Mowforth and Munt expertly illustrate the social, economic and environmental conditions that continue to affect the tourism industry. With the first edition hailed by Geoffrey Wall as ‘one of the most significant books produced on tourism [since the turn of the millennium]’, Tourism and Sustainability remains the essential resource for students of human geography, environmental sciences and studies, politics, development studies, anthropology and business studies as well as tourism itself.