TL;DR: In a recent study, this article analyzed the effect of Boudreaux and Th -stopping, nonaspiration of [p, t, k], and vowel quality on Cajun English linguistic features.
Abstract: in South louisiana, there is a genre of jokes featuring the bumbling Cajun characters Boudreaux and thibodeaux. these jokes are often told with an exaggerated Cajun english accent, an ideal opportunity to examine and better understand local perceptions of Cajun english linguistic features. Th -stopping, nonaspiration of [p, t, k], and vowel quality were analyzed in recordings of six lafourche Parish, louisiana speakers conversing casually as well as performing Boudreaux and thibodeaux jokes. While all speakers exaggerated one or the other consonantal feature while joketelling, vowel quality was not manipulated in the expected ways. Such patterning may indicate that th -stopping and nonaspiration of [p, t, k] are more salient, or more easily imitable, features of Cajun english than the vowel features examined. Notably, there was some patterning of features exaggerated based on where the speaker lived along the bayou, with “up the bayou” joketellers having a more standard baseline to begin with and thus exaggerating different features, demonstrating the importance of considering culturally specific social categories in analyzing performances of local speech varieties. Boudreaux and thibodeaux (Bt) jokes are a genre of ethnic jokes told by Cajuns in South louisiana. Bt jokes are similar in style to Newfie (Newfoundlanders) jokes of Canada: both function to poke fun at a stigmatized socioethnic group, the members of which are seen as stupid (Davies 1982). Usually Bt jokes are humorous narratives about the eponymous fictional Cajuns, who are portrayed as ignorant, unsophisticated, and generally incompetent, as in the following example: One day tibodeau told Boudreau that he was going to the trade school to make hisself smart. he came home the first afternoon with a ’lil homework. the teacher told them to go to ’de dictionary and look up ten new words. One of the words on the list was “Propaganda.” he asked Boudreau what ’dat meant and Boudreau said, “let me see now how i can ’splain that for you to understand.” “tib,” he axed, “how many kids you got?” tib replied, “Five, four daughters and one ’lil boy.” “they all look alike or like your family?” “’De girls look all alike, but ’dat boy, i don’t know who he look like.” american speech 88.4 (2013) 378 “Well, that’s what i mean—’dose girls all look like ’dey come from ’de proper goose—but you see—on ’dat last one there, you not the proper gander!” [Bergeron 1997, 19] this joke centers on the characters’ ignorance and foolishness—not only is thibodeaux uneducated (shown by the fact that that he does not understand the word “propaganda”), but he is unaware of his wife’s transgressions. When telling Bt jokes, joketellers usually adopt (or exaggerate) a Cajun accent (Fiedler 2006), which is represented in the above example through eye dialect and pronunciation spellings; indeed, the punch line for this particular joke assumes readers will understand the dialect as nonrhotic. Analysis of such dialect performances can reveal which linguistic features are regarded by speakers as most emblematic of their speech variety, since repeated performances of a dialect may lead to increased stylization or reduction of performance may lead to a limited set of linguistic features that most efficiently indexes the target stereotype (Schilling-estes 1998; Johnstone 1999; Chun 2004). in addition, consideration of the social context in which such performances occur can provide insights into the social value of the language variety in question (macaulay 1987). in an effort to better understand locally salient (socio)linguistic stereotypes tied to Cajun english (Ce), i analyzed performances of six joketellers from lafourche Parish, louisiana, to determine whether commonly cited Ce phonetic features were exaggerated while joketelling. Specifically, i examined two consonantal features: Stopping of interdental fricatives [T] and [D] (rubrecht 1971; Scott 1992; Walton 1994; Dubois and horvath 1998a, 1998b, 2000, 2002; Coyne 2008) Non-aspiration of voiceless stops [p, t, k] (rubrecht 1971; Walton 1994; Dubois and horvath 1998a, 2000, 2002; Coyne 2008) and two vocalic features: “shorter, tenser vowels characteristic of Cajun French” (Walton 1994, 102) Unglided/monophthongal tense vowels [i, e, o, u] (rubrecht 1971; Dubois and horvath 2002; Wroblewski, Strand, and Dubois 2009) results indicate that while both consonantal features were manipulated by Bt joketellers, none of the joketellers produced shorter, tenser, or more monophthongal vowels while telling Bt jokes. this patterning may indicate the greater salience of consonantal Ce features within lafourche Parish. Crucially, however, the joketellers had different baseline accents, and differing relationships with Cajun French (CF) itself, which appeared to Cajun English in Boudreaux and Thibodeaux Jokes 379 affect the features that each joketeller selected for manipulation. Since all joketellers in some way exaggerated their Ce accent while joketelling, they distanced themselves from the characters of Boudreaux and thibodeaux by demonstrating that they themselves were different from the butts of the joke, linguistically and otherwise. this study bolsters and augments past research on what it means to “sound Cajun” in louisiana by taking advantage of the Ce performances used in telling Bt jokes. Background and review of The liTeraTure louisiana is a unique melting pot of various languages and cultures, with influences from past and present French, Spanish, African, and Native American inhabitants. the varieties of english spoken in louisiana—many of which constitute contact or ethnic varieties of english—are generally underrepresented in the linguistic literature (eble 1993). Until relatively recently, much of Southern louisiana was primarily Francophone, speaking a variety of French with its roots in Acadia (presentday Nova Scotia and New Brunswick) and the West central region of France (see Brasseaux 2005 for a more detailed picture of the provenance of Francophone settlers). Figure 1 shows a map of French-speaking louisiana, also called the French triangle, for its distinctive triangular shape, and Acadiana, for the Acadian/Cajun heritage of many of the residents of this area. this region comprises mostly small, insular, rural communities in which retaining
TL;DR: The authors studied Afro-Hispanic speech in Latin America and found that the tone is overtly racist, although some writers have deliberately adopted an eye dialect style in order to give voice to dispossessed citizens of African origin.
Abstract: Introduction Throughout Latin America, many historically black communities, subject to discrimination and marginalization, are acquiring a new social and cultural strength as afrodescendientes, aided by successful political movements in several countries as well as by the intense networking of activists from the African diaspora throughout the Americas. In the reaffirmation of ethnic identity and the creation of wholly positive (self-) images, Afro-Hispanic communities frequently draw on cultural elements once ignored or felt to be demeaning, fueling racist stereotypes and constituting bitter reminders of past suffering. The best-known instances of iconic reversal of Afro-Hispanic cultural elements involve traditional musical and dance expression, and to a lesser extent folk medicine and syncretic religious practices. Only recently has language usage emerged as a key element in the reinforcement of Afro-diasporic identity in Latin America, openly confronting the plethora of literary and musical parodies that incorrectly ascribe to speakers of African descent grotesquely deformed and “incorrect” Spanish. In most regions of contemporary Latin America, there is no ethnically identifiable “black Spanish” (e.g. a variety that permits racial identification over the telephone), although a number of writers and performers have attributed a marked form of language exclusively to (usually poor and marginalized) black speakers. In most instances the tone is overtly racist, although some Afro-Hispanic writers have deliberately adopted an “eye dialect” style in order to give voice to dispossessed citizens of African origin. In all instances, the speech traits in question—nearly all phonetic in nature—are common in the vernacular speech of the region, irrespective of race (Lipski 1999). The obvious mismatch between the parodies and linguistic reality only serves to deflect attention from authentic forms of black expression, and to dull the acuity of researchers and activists who would incorporate Afro-Hispanic speech into positive affirmations of cultural resistance. The present article presents data on a little-studied Afro-Hispanic group, and on the gradual emergence of linguistic awareness as an emblem of ethnic identity. The group in question is found in highland
TL;DR: The term "eye dialect" was coined by George P. Krapp in The English Language in America (McArthur 1998) to describe the phenomenon of unconventional spelling used to reproduce colloquial usage.
Abstract: The term ‘eye dialect’ was first coined in 1925 by George P. Krapp in The English Language in America (McArthur 1998). The term was used to describe the phenomenon of unconventional spelling used to reproduce colloquial usage. When one encounters such spellings “the convention violated is one of the eyes, and not of the ear”. Furthermore, eye dialect would be used by writers “not to indicate a genuine difference in pronunciation, but the spelling is a friendly nudge to the reader, a knowing look which establishes a sympathetic sense of superiority between the author and reader as contrasted with the humble speaker of dialect”. While the phrase “the humble speaker of dialect” may smack of prescriptivism to the modern reader, this passage is important, as it finally gives a term for a device that has been used in literature for centuries. Krapp was referring to spellings like enuff for ‘enough’, wimmin for ‘women’, animulz for ‘animals’ and numerous other examples in which the standard spelling of the word belies in some way its pronunciation. One may envisage these spellings as a sort of insinuation on the part of the author that the character whose speech is depicted so would spell these words in this way, hence demonstrating a level of education and literacy substantially lower than the average. Since Krapp’s time, however, the term has acquired a wider meaning: it now covers any variation of spelling to indicate particular pronunciations or accents. Authors such as Wells (1982: 428) and Carter et al (1997: 46) use the term in this way, whereas others, such as Beal (2000) prefer the term “semi-phonetic spelling”. In this article the term eye dialect will be used to refer to both forms of variant spelling, with the original meaning being distinguished as “eye dialect sensu stricto”. While it often retains the comic element Krapp refers to, the speaker in question is not always the butt of the joke: eye dialect may be used simply to indicate that a given speaker has such and such an accent. It may even be used in a context where the very readers have a similar accent and are amused by recognising what may be an exaggeration of the same. Lets Stalk Strine 1 ‘Let’s talk Australian’ is one of a series of publications which takes a
TL;DR: Song and Wiese as discussed by the authors proposed a framework to account for nonstandard spelling of certain words in English, French and other languages in a framework couched in Optimality Theory, partly drawing on a set of constraints already proposed in existing literature and proposing new ones justified on phonetic, cognitive or system-internal grounds.
Abstract: Nonstandard spelling of certain words in English, French and other languages is quite a widespread phenomenon, commonly referred to as Eye Dialect. Typical examples are instead of in English and instead of in French. Eye Dialect, despite using nonstandard spelling, maintains grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences that reflect standard pronunciation, unlike Casual Speech Spelling, which aims to transcribe substandard forms (e.g., ). In this paper I attempt to account for both phenomena in a framework couched in Optimality Theory, partly drawing on a set of constraints already proposed in existing literature (Song & Wiese, 2010), at the same time as proposing new ones justified on phonetic, cognitive or system-internal grounds. It is shown how Eye Dialect and Casual Speech Spelling, instead of creating new sound-to-letter relationships, promote the more general ones, at the expense of very specific or idiosyncratic phoneme-to-grapheme map...
TL;DR: According to as discussed by the authors, the phenomenon of "eye dialect" is a fairly widespread literary device in Hispanic fiction, which often characterizes an individual as belonging to the lower socio-economic stratum of society (thieves, prostitutes, pimps, beggars, etc.), other identifiable divisions (foreigners, peasants, etc.) and gender (male, female).
Abstract: T HE phenomenon of "eye dialect" is a fairly widespread literary device in Hispanic fiction. According to Zwicky, this term refers to authors making "... some attempt to indicate regional/ social dialects of their characters by means of special spellings. . . ."' These typographical alterations are used in direct speech such as monologue and dialogue2 as well as recorded speech which has traditionally taken the form of letters, diaries and notes. They represent casual or colloquial speech which often characterizes an individual as belonging to the lower socio-economic stratum of society (thieves, prostitutes, pimps, beggars, etc.), a particular minority group (blacks, native Americans, gypsies, etc.), other identifiable divisions (foreigners, peasants, etc.) and gender (male, female). Thus, a dialect may be horizontal, i.e., geographical and/or vertical, i.e., hierarchical within a given society or subculture. In this sense, eye dialect may convey both social and geographical information.3 Creative writers accomplish their goal of character creation in a complex, holistic manner by utilizing not only language (phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and lexicon) but also through the personal motivation and interaction of the in-