Effigy

Abstract: More mounds were built by ancient Native American societies in Wisconsin than in any other region of North America--between 15,000 and 20,000 mounds, at least 4,000 of which remain today. Most impressive are the effigy mounds, huge earthworks sculpted into the shapes of birds, animals, and other forms, not found anywhere else in the world in such concentrations. This book, written for general readers but incorporating the most recent research, offers a comprehensive overview of these intriguing earthworks and answers the questions, Who built the mounds? When and why were they built?The archaeological record indicates that most ancient societies in the upper Midwest built mounds of various kinds sometime between about 800 B.C. and A.D. 1200; the effigy mounds were probably built between A.D. 800 and A.D. 1200. Using evidence drawn from archaeology, ethnography, ethnohistory, the traditions and beliefs of present-day Native Americans in the Midwest, and recent research and theories of other archaeologists, Birmingham and Eisenberg present an important new interpretation of the effigy mound groups as "cosmological maps" that model ancient belief systems and social relations. It is likely that the distant ancestors of several present-day Native American groups were among the mound-building societies, in part because these groups current clan structures and beliefs are similar to the symbolism represented in the effigy mounds."Indian Mounds of Wisconsin" includes a travel guide to sites that can be visited by the public, including many in state, county, and local parks."

Abstract: The Tomb - Between the Living and the Dead: Souvenir, synaesthesia, and the Sepulcrum Domini - sensory stimuli as memorial stratagems, Stephen Lamia Lament for a lost queen - the sarcophagus of Dona Blanca in Najera, Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo The tomb as prompter for the chantry, Anne M. Morganstern Activating the effigy - Donatello's Pecci tomb in Siena cathedral, Geraldine A. Johnson Commemorating a real bastard - the chapel of Alvaro de Luna, Patrick Lenaghan. Shaping Communal Memory: The font is a kind of grave - remembrance in the Via Latina catacombs, Dorothy H. Verkerk Memory and the social landscape in 11th-century Upplandic commemorative practice, Kyle R. Crocker Stolen property - commemorating Saint Mark's first Venetian tomb, Thomas E. A. Dale Dream images, memoria, and the Heribert shrine, Carolyn Carty The queen's body and institutional memory - the tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne, Kathleen Nolan Monumenta et memoriae - the 13th-century episcopal pantheon of Leon cathedral, Rocio Sanchez Ameijeiras.

Abstract: MORE THAN THE PRESENCE of some 100 Taoist monks and priests, the performance of Chinese orchestras, the exchange of mourning gifts, the burning of paper figures in celebration of the spirit of the deceased, the kowtowing of visitors before pictures of the family, the draping of the funereal garden in white silk, the arrival of more than 3,000 gifts and 5,000 mourners—more, even, than the astonishing facts of Silas Aaron Hardoon’s fortune, prominence, or cosmopolitan history, it was the wax effigy of the dead man with chopsticks in hand at this ostensibly Jewish funeral that riveted the international press.1 When he died in the summer of 1931, Hardoon was called the richest foreigner in Shanghai, with an estate estimated at $150 million. Like other young, entrepreneurial Baghdadi Jewish men of his generation, Hardoon had made his way to China by way of India in the late nineteenth century.2 In Calcutta he