Double dative

Abstract: Reaction of [U{C(SiMe3 )(PPh2 )}(BIPM)(μ-Cl)Li(TMEDA)(μ-TMEDA)0.5 ]2 (BIPM=C(PPh2 NSiMe3 )2 ; TMEDA=Me2 NCH2 CH2 NMe2 ) with [Rh(μ-Cl)(COD)]2 (COD=cyclooctadiene) affords the heterotrimetallic UIV -RhI2 complex [U(Cl)2 {C(PPh2 NSiMe3 )(PPh[C6 H4 ]NSiMe3 )}{Rh(COD)}{Rh(CH(SiMe3 )(PPh2 )}]. This complex has a very short uranium-rhodium distance, the shortest uranium-rhodium bond on record and the shortest actinide-transition metal bond in terms of formal shortness ratio. Quantum-chemical calculations reveal a remarkable RhI→→ UIV net double dative bond interaction, involving RhI 4dz2 - and 4dxy/xz -type donation into vacant UIV 5f orbitals, resulting in a Wiberg/Nalewajski-Mrozek U-Rh bond order of 1.30/1.44, respectively. Despite being, formally, purely dative, the uranium-rhodium bonding interaction is the most substantial actinide-metal multiple bond yet prepared under conventional experimental conditions, as confirmed by structural, magnetic, and computational analyses.

Abstract: ingenium, in Capt. 371 tute tibi tuopte ingenio prodes plurimum; thence to other abstract nouns, as in Trin. 313 istaec ego mi semper habui aetati3 integumentum meae and Bacch. 1083 nimi' nolo desidiae ei dare ludum; and finally to an abstract noun of action, as Bacch. 439 magistro desinebat esse dicto oboediens. There is reason to believe that partitive apposition was much commoner at an early stage of the language than later. It abounds in Hittite.32 As examples with the dative may be cited Al. 4.45 (Friedrich, Vert. 2.82) nu-kdn A-NA DUTU-SI SU-i an-da a-a?-?u lu-z~-lu a-ui 'and in my Majesty's hand (i.e. protection) behold goodly prosperity',33 Instr. 1.20 (Sturtevant, Chr. 148) nam-ma-kdn pi-di KA-as li-e ti-ya-zi 'let him not approach the place, the doors', i.e. 'the doors of the place'. Other cases are commoner than the dative. agent instead, as in Trin. 632 ut sic odio esses mihi. This exception seems to be the rule with one special type of noun of action, the verbal noun (really a dative supine) in -tui or -sui, as in Curc. 501 bono usui estis nulli. 29 Of course partitive apposition in Latin is by no means confined to the dative. See Hofmann's extremely interesting discussion and collection of examples, Syntaktische Gliederungsverschiebungen im Lateinischen infolge Erstarrung urspriinglich appositioneller Verhiiltnisse (IF 42.81-5). Hofmann cites numerous examples not only of the dative (84-5) but also of the nominative (85-6) and of the accusative (81-4), a few of the ablative (85) and of prepositional phrases (86), but none of the genitive; however, he suggests (85 fn. 2) that the construction lucis tuendi (discussed above, fn. 27) may exemplify this type. I formerly doubted this (see TAPA 74.282); but I now realize, as I have just said, that the fundamental relationship of the verbal noun to the substantive which it accompanies may be viewed as in origin one of quasi-apposition. 30 Some might term mihi a dative of agent, but actually the so-called dative of agent is essentially a dative of reference. 31 On the use of this particular noun in partitive apposition in the dative, cf. its similar use in the accusative, illustrated below, fn. 34. 32 For discussion and examples, see Friedrich, ZA 1.175 and 2.47, Vert. 1.43-5 and 2.24, El. 1.69; Sommer, Bil. 106. 33 It is hardly possible to render this literally. The force of the dative A-NA DUTU-SI must be 'with reference to my Majesty' and that of SU-i 'with reference to (my Majesty's) hand', but the adverb or postposition anda adds a locative notion 'in, within' at least to SU-i and perhaps to A-NA DUTU-SI also. (It must not be forgotten that the Hittite dative case serves as a locative as well.) This content downloaded from 207.46.13.131 on Sun, 16 Oct 2016 05:14:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 250 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 29, NUMBER 3 Many constructions owe their genesis to early instances of partitive apposition. For instance, the accusative so used34 may have given rise to the so-called accusative of specification and accusative used as object of the middle voice3" met both in Greek authors and in Latin poets (like Vergil) who imitate Greek. Of course such an accusative must have started as the object of an active verb, but by a misunderstanding of the original construction remained as an accusative with a passive verb or an adjective, the transition possibly being achieved through the use of a middle verb, since this might be equivalent to an active verb with an accusative reflexive. The scheme of part and whole as we know it usually involves concrete nouns, generally denoting, as we have already mentioned, a person and a part of his body. But we have seen in our Latin examples the possible introduction, as the member representing the part, of an abstract noun, one signifying a quality or even, as in Bacch. 439, an action. If a verbal noun of the type of dicto can be placed in apposition with the substantive denoting the person uttering the dictum, why not, at an early stage, any verbal noun whatsoever with the substantive denoting the person or thing in some way connected with the action denoted by the verbal noun, whether as performing the action involved ('subject') or as receiving it ('object')? This possibility throws fresh light on all the Vedic infinitives and all the Latin gerunds. It is now easy to see why the construction that we have been studying is not confined to the double dative type. Just as Latin possesses a genitive and an ablative use of the gerund-gerundive construction, so Vedic possesses a combination of the genitive infinitive beside a genitive substantive and of the ablative infinitive beside an ablative substantive, parallel to the double dative.36 It is possible that the double accusative also enters into the picture. Vedic infinitives differ from Hittite infinitives in two important respects. (1) They include accusative forms37 as well as datives;38 these have two main uses, as the object of an auxiliary verb, like the Latin infinitive after it lost its dative force, and in expressions of purpose with a verb of motion, like the Latin ac34 As in Homer, Il. 7.14-6 'IUlvoov AXe bovpL t' ov, and Plautus, Rud. 1345-6 te Venus eradicet caput atque aetatem tuam. With the latter instance of apposition of part and whole, contrast their coordination in the same play 486 Neptuno credat sese atque aetatem suam; and for the appositional use of the accusative aetatem, cf. the similar use of the dative aetati in Trin. 313, already cited above (see fn. 31). 36 The constructions to which these names are given seem to me to be essentially the same, except that with a verb or a participle (e.g. Vergil, Aen. 1.561 voltum demissa) either name can be applied, and with an adjective (e.g. ib. 320 nuda genu) only that of an accusative of specification. It is significant that both usually indicate a part of the body, or, by an extension (as in Vergil, Ecl. 1.53-4 saepes apibus florem depasta), some portion of a whole. 36 For examples, see Gdr. 2.3.919. Brugmann adds to his Vedic instances parallel examples from Avestan, and then goes on to cite examples from Greek (920-1) and from Balto-Slavic (921-2). 7 Rather oddly, these are the only ones that survived into the classical period. 38 In Hittite, there is a supine in -wan which is regularly classed as a suffixless dative (or locative), but which I have sometimes been tempted to regard as an accusative; it is restricted to a very limited use in combination with not more than two or three auxiliary verbs, in the sense of 'begin'. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.131 on Sun, 16 Oct 2016 05:14:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms SOME HITTITE-SANSKRIT PARALLELS 251 cusative supine in -tum, with which the Sanskrit accusative infinitive is cognate. (2) They take an accusative object with far more freedom than the Hittite infinitive. Is there perhaps a connection between these two phenomena? Is it possible that the use of the accusative as the object of the infinitive had its genesis in an accusative substantive used in partitive apposition with an accusative infinitive, whence it spread to infinitives in other cases? Thus paian vicrtari vettha sarvdn, translated by Whitney (352) 'thou knowest how to loosen all bonds', would have originally meant 'thou knowest all bonds, (their) loosening', etc. There are still further implications. Since the verbal noun, being originally voiceless, may signify either an action performed by the accompanying substantive or one received by it, in other words since the substantive may have the relation of either subject or object to the verbal noun, we have the possibility that the double accusative construction may have a bearing on the development in Greek and Latin of the infinitive with subject-accusative.39 This is in line with the view of Ernout and Thomas, who believe that both the substantive that later became the subject of the infinitive, and the infinitive itself, were originally objects of the main verb. Thus they analyze sentio eum venire as a combination of sentio eum and sentio venire (271-2; cf. 274). However, on the whole this hypothesis seems to me dubious; would we not expect sentio veniendum (gerund)40 rather than sentio venire? It must not be forgotten that the Latin (and Greek) infinitives were originally datives, not accusatives; they show their dative force clearly in the construction iubeo (sino, cogo) eum venire, and it does not seem likely that they would have lost it so completely at so early a period in the construction scio (credo, dico) eum venire. Furthermore, though eum can be regarded as a possible object of scio,41 it seems hard to envisage it as an object of credo, and still more so as an object of dico; dico eum simply does not make

Abstract: Traditional analysis of datives appearing in expressions like dono dare has only focused on the assumed value of «finality» they seem to possess, without considering their possible origin. In our article, we attempt to show that: 1. the origin has to be sought in double dative constructions (which hitherto have been misinterpreted); 2. their function is a predicative one; and 3. their efficiency in the language obeys reasons of syntactical clarity.

Abstract: A facile strategy to prepare halogenated cationic BC-centered organoboron analogues of alkenyl halides via the reaction between carbodiphosphoranes (CDPs) and aryl dihaloboranes is reported. Structural comparison of the halogen and alkoxy derivatives, as well as detailed computational studies, corroborates the polarized double dative bonding nature of the central BC double bonds.