TL;DR: The rule proposed for adverbial case is shown to correctly predict well-known semantic effects observed in transitivity alternations which involve situation-delimiting roles, such as the locative alternation.
Abstract: It has been observed that in various languages the domain of direct case assignment extends beyond the arguments of a predicate to include also certain non-subcategorized phrases such as duration and frequency adverbials. But to date no theory has been proposed to explain the extension of the case domain or the particular limits of this extension attested cross-linguistically. This paper offers such a theory, focusing primarily on Korean. Data from Korean, English, and other languages are adduced as evidence for a universally available option whereby the domain of direct case assignment is expanded to include a SITUATION DELIMITER, i.e., a (situation-quantifying) extensive measure expression. It is further shown that certain thematic roles qualify as situation delimiters because quantification is transferred to the clause from the nominal filling the role. The rule proposed for adverbial case is shown to correctly predict well-known semantic effects observed in transitivity alternations which involve situation-delimiting roles, such as the locative alternation.
TL;DR: This article showed that the apparent case-agreement is epiphenomenal in Korean and further showed that predication in small clause constructions is not marked by caseagreement in Korean, and suggest that case-aggreement in this language is in fact limited to so-called Quantifier-floating.
Abstract: In the Inalienable Possession Construction in Korean, the whole (possessor) and part (possessed) NPs typically agree in case. In this article, we argue that the apparent case-agreement is epiphenomenal. Investigation of verbs of various types that exhibit alternative case patterns reveals that the part-NP bears all and only the cases assigned by V to the relevant argument, whereas the whole-NP may bear either the case(s) assigned by V or nominative assigned by Infl, depending on its surface position. Thus the observed case-marking cannot be a consequence of case-agreement per se, but rather reflects direct case assignment by V and Infl independently to both part- and whole NPs. We call this the Direct Case Hypothesis. We further show that predication in small clause constructions is not marked by case-agreement in Korean, and suggest that case-agreement in this language is in fact limited to so-called Quantifier-floating. Finally, the evidence from case-marking is shown to shed light on the distinction between lexical versus syntactic passives.
TL;DR: In this article, the identity of conjoined terms has been studied in the context of generat rules of coordination and the interaction of constraints affecting the upper and lower bounds of case values.
Abstract: Ivan A. Sag: The Identity of Conjoined Terms. ; The terms of a coordination can differ to a certain extent by certain propeities. e. g. part of speech, ; case or person. We propose that the correct description of such phenomena involves radical underspecification. We allow, for example, that an NP can be resolved as [ CASE case] or [ CASE directcase], ; even if, in the language in question, case and direct case can be further specified as ; nominative or accusative. Moreover, constraints can require that CASE values can be, for example, ; " at least as specific" as dative, when there exists the possibility of conjunctive types (e. g. ; accusative& dative). We show how a number of puzzling data in French, English, German or Polish can be accommodated by generat rules of coordination and the interaction of constraints affecting the ; upper and lower bounds of CASE values.
TL;DR: In this article, it is shown how case assignment takes place in the nominal domain, and evidence that this realization must be linked to the genitive case, which can be conceived as the unmarked case.
Abstract: This article shows how case assignment takes place in the nominal domain. It is widely accepted that, although nouns and verbs project in parallel structures (DP and sentences), they differ in their case-assignment properties. While verbs can directly assign case to their arguments, nouns can’t do so, and arguments that in the sentence domain receive direct case, are realized as prepositional phrases headed by 'de' when they are nominal complements. The article provides evidence that this realization must be linked to the genitive case, which can be conceived as the unmarked case in the nominal domain. It is also observed what happens when a complement that receives accusative from the verb is realized as a dative when it is a nominal complement. In this case, it is considered that a conflation process takes place.