Derived stem

Abstract: In this study we have presented an analysis of the major phonological and morphological properties of the Ciyao verb stem. In this chapter we summarize these findings by chapter. Thus, following the introductory chapter 1, in chapter 2 we discussed the vowel processes and demonstrated that vowel length is not only underlying, but can also be generated phonologically when the structural descriptions are met. In this chapter, we also demonstrated that vowel harmony, as a major characteristic of the verb stem, determines the quality of the vowels that must follow each other not only across morphemes (stem-intemally) but also within the root (morpheme-internally). In chapter 3 we investigated consonant processes, where we pinpointed three segments (two consonants and one vowel) that play a major role in determining the surface segmental phonology of the language: (i) the moraic nasal, which voices a following voiceless consonant, deletes a voiced consonant and undergoes effacement before /s/ in verbs and before Is/and /w/ in nouns; (ii) the syllabic nasal, which hardens the labial approximants and nasalizes the lingual approximants; and (iii) the high front vowel /i/ which affects the surface realization of some consonants. When it occurs in the initial position of perfective markers, it palatalizes velars and fricativizes the lateral approximant; as a causative allomorph, it fricativizes all linguals and deletes the oral labials in some verbs. In chapter 4 we classified and discussed the different kinds of verb stems, which includes the simplex stem, derived stem (from verb to verb and from other parts of speech to verb), reduplicated stem, and inflectional stem. This classification was another major contribution of this study to the understanding of the verb structure in Ciyao. In chapter 5, we discussed the derivational suffixes known as verb extensions in the Bantu literature, showing that while the semantics of two extensions (impositive and intensive) is apparently "transparent", the same can not be said about the other extensions. Thus, we investigated the semantic intricacy of the applicatives before locatives, the threecausatives, the two passives, the stative, the three reciprocals, and the two reversives. In chapter 6 we investigated the order and combination of the different verb to verb derivational suffixes, or verb extensions, where we demonstrated that the combination of the derivational suffixes is determined by the following four linguistic factors: (a) morphotactics; (b) semantics; (c) phonotactics; and (d) morphosyntax. Finally, in chapter 7 we discussed the inflectional stem where we showed that the perfective suffix -il-e can either be attached to the final segment of the root or its formative -il- can be infixed in the verb root between the final consonant of the base (root or derived stem) and the preceding vowel, a process known as imbrication. The option to use one or the otherform of affixation of the perfective marker depends upon the size of the base and the number of moras of the last syllable of the base. Based on the analysis of the irregular perfective formation we argued for the representation of the perfective marker as -('V)Vl/t-V (where V is a front vowel) which surfaces as: (a) -il-e; (b) -(i)il-i/-(e)el-i: -(i)it-/ -(e)et-e. The distribution of the allomorphs in (b) and (c) is determined by height harmony. The allomorphs of the perfective marker occur in the final position of the inflectional stem in completive forms, which is marked by zero. When the incompletive marker-ga is affixed, it occupies the final position, its permanent location in the inflectional stem. To handle the various morphophonological facts that characterize the verb stem as we have summarized here, we used the framework of Lexical Phonology and Morphology (Kiparsky 1985, Mohanan 1982 and others) as well as moraic theory (Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989 and others). We hope in the future to apply this research experience to other Bantu languages, especially those spoken in Mozambique

Abstract: This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears some similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with the D-stem and H associated with affixes. This H tone competition is an OCP-driven effect occurring within the macrostem.

Abstract: The threefold division noun-verb-adjective is often considered a hallmark of the IE family from the remote PIE phase. However, , , forth.) claims that this view is incorrect: while in Latin three major classes of lexemes are found (nouns, verbs and adjectives), in the Sanskrit language of the Rig Veda only two major classes are found (verbal roots and nouns) and the most typical “adjective” (i.e. the Quality Modifier) is a derived stem built on a verbal root meaning a quality. As a consequence, a deep and previously neglected typological change should be reconstructed in the IE family, namely the lexicalization of the adjective class and the change from a parts of speech (PoS) system “without” adjectives and quality concepts verbally encoded, which is still preserved in the RV, to a PoS system with “true” adjectives, which is found in Latin and in almost all other, especially modern and Western, IE languages. In this case, the data in , , forth.) are confirmed focusing on the Quality Argument and the Quality Predicate, so as to show that the presence of a lexical class of adjectives is a common development that has come about independently in different branches of the IE family.